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Atiku, Obi, Kwankwaso, Others Must Work Together To Defeat Tinubu In 2027 – Lukman
By Kayode Sanni-Arewa
Ahead of the 2027 general election, the immediate past National Vice Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Salihu Lukman, is calling on former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, former governors Peter Obi, Rabiu Kwankwaso and Rotimi Amaechi to team up in order to defeat the ruling All Progressives Congress.
In a statement released in Abuja on Sunday, Lukman also listed in the proposed merger, former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, former governors Nasir El-rufai, Rauf Aregbesola, Kayode Fayemi and Ibikunle Amosun, among other political leaders.
Lukman in the statement titled, “Future of Democracy in Nigeria”, said building the kind of united front capable of moving Nigerian democracy forward require selflessness on the part of Nigerian political leaders.
While lamenting the current situation of the country, the former Director General of the Progressives Governors Forum (PGF), lamented a situation where APC as the ruling party in Nigeria promised to provide the needed leadership to fight corruption but the party has legitimised higher level of corruption in the country and also legitimising the phenomenon of ‘state capture’ virtually at all levels.
The statement read, “What is the future of democracy in Nigeria? Is there any prospect that it can produce leaders who are responsive to national challenges? Being responsive is basically about ensuring that public expenditures are oriented to tackle challenges facing citizens. What are the challenges facing Nigerians today? Poverty, unemployment, insecurity, drugs and substance abuse, millions of out of school children in the North, etc. Not to talk of the additional problems of inflation and the crash of the value of incomes especially in the last one year under the leadership of President Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
Although some officials of the government of President Asiwaju Tinubu have attempted to explain the current hardship Nigerians are facing with reference to the bad economy inherited from the previous administration of former President Muhammadu Buhari, the reality is that both are APC Governments. If anything, APC became very popular in Nigeria on account of the failings of the PDP. What were the failings of the PDP? The failings of the PDP are reflected in the same way today’s challenges are manifesting. If the truth is to be told, whatever was the failings of PDP in 2015, it was less grievous than what it has become under APC in 2024.
“No doubt, former President Buhari had his problem as a leader. However, whatever was estimated to be his failure should be the shared responsibility of APC leaders in varying degrees, including President Asiwaju Tinubu. No leader of APC should attempt to distance himself/herself from the failure of the Buhari era, certainly, not President Asiwaju Tinubu. In one way or the other, APC leaders, without exception, are ‘beneficiaries’ of the Buhari era, just as some of them could claim to be victims. On balance however, APC leaders benefited more from the Buhari era than being victims. At least electorally, former President Buhari made it possible for APC to defeat the PDP. Without former President Buhari, the defeat of PDP in 2015 would have been almost impossible, and by extension, arguably, would have been difficult, if not impossible for President Asiwaju Tinubu to become President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
“Unfortunately, having defeated the PDP in 2015, APC failed to produce the needed collective leadership required to manage the machinery of governments produced by the party at all levels. Gradually, APC succeeded in turning democracy on its head. Instead of producing democratic leaders, elected leaders increasingly became emperors and overlords. State machinery became captured and privatised to almost exclusively only serve the interests of elected representatives.
“In other words, business of governments became monopolised to serve the vested interests of supposedly elected leaders. More than anything, state governments in Nigeria are best examples of the phenomenon of governance capture. Key institutions such as State Assemblies, Local Governments, State Independent Electoral Commissions and State structures of political parties, which should regulate the conduct of elected representatives, including Governors and make them accountable to citizens have been privatised and only serve private interests of these elected officials.
“The reality is that Nigerian democracy has legitimised the problem of state capture whereby the machinery of government at all levels are being privatised and oriented only to serve the narrow interests of elected officials. Public resources and funds are allocated or diverted to benefit elected officials. The term, ‘state capture’ is, according to Wikipedia, ‘first used by the World Bank, around the year 2000, to describe the situation in certain Central Asian countries making the transition from Soviet communism.
“Specifically, it was applied to situations where small corrupt groups used their influence over government officials to appropriate government decision-making to strengthen their own economic positions’. This phenomenon of ‘state capture’ as described by the World Bank has virtually become the dominant characteristics of African democracy with hardly any exception. ‘Small corrupt group’ of elected leaders and appointed government officials have ‘appropriated government decision-making to strengthen their own economic positions’.
“In Nigeria, from a situation whereby it is more the case with State Governments, under the APC, between 2015 and now (2024) it has become a national phenomenon and President Asiwaju Tinubu is building on that and perfecting it. For instance, although, under former President Buhari, the legislative arm of government at Federal level (National Assembly) has some semblance of independence with instances of disagreements with former President Buhari, it is now reduced to nothing more than an extension of the Presidency so much so that the Senate President, Godswill Akpabio is turning out to be an uncommon embarrassment to Nigerians, shamelessly desecrating the institution of the Senate and his colleagues.
“His praise singing disposition to President Asiwaju Tinubu is certainly uncommon without any limit. As it is, with Sen. Akpabio as Senate President, the Senate chamber risk being held captive by President Asiwaju Tinubu as it will be unable to register any disagreement with the Executive Arm of government.
“Already, the ruling party, APC, has gone beyond capture to the point of being disbanded. With Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje operating as the National Chairman, organs of the party have been frozen and President Asiwaju Tinubu has assume the over drive mode of disregarding both the constitution of the APC and gradually disrespecting the 1999 Nigerian Constitution as amended.
“To the extend that the people of North-Central stands marginalised in this Government, the provisions of Chapter II of the 1999 Constitution, which direct that ‘the composition of Government of the Federation or any of its agencies and the conduct of its affairs shall be carried out in such a manner to promote national unity, and also to command national loyalty, thereby ensuring that there shall be no predominance of persons from a few State or from a few ethnic or other sectional groups in that Government or in any of its agencies’ is in breach.
“Beyond the APC, other parties, including the PDP, Labour Party, New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), which are today’s main opposition parties, are being manipulated into operating in crisis modes. Their capacity to moblise Nigerians and lead any political opposition against the APC is being undermined. Consequently, President Asiwaju Tinubu is having a field day, practically having his way even when he takes wrong decisions with devastating impact on the lives of Nigerians. It is almost as if another political reality like what we had in 1998 during the era of late Gen. Sani Abacha with parties aptly fitting the description of late Chief Bola Ige of being ‘fingers of a leprous hand’ is today’s Nigerian reality.
The risk of state capture in Nigeria extending to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is high given that the tenure of Prof. Mahmud Yakubu, current INEC Chairman will end before the 2027 general elections. And with the way President Asiwaju Tinubu betrayed any commitment to appointing competent people into his government, the possibility of appointing a new INEC Chairman who will facilitate the capture of INEC is high.
“Already, within just one year, President Asiwaju Tinubu’s government has moved into the 2027 electioneering mode. Instead of working to earn the support of Nigerians, President Asiwaju Tinubu seems to be leaned on recruiting political merchants whose stock in trade is limited to fanning embers of divisive politics in the country and blackmailing political opponents. Such disposition only lends credence to the prospects of rigging elections in the country.
“So far, with the way President Asiwaju Tinubu has conducted himself as President of Nigeria in the last one year, he has deviated from any credential of being an Awoist. Given how he has mismanaged what could have earned him a legendary status as a leader who courageously ended the corrupt racketeering of petroleum subsidy, and unable to humbly find a way out of what has now become a national tragedy producing endless downward swing in the living conditions of Nigerians, the gap between him and the Chief Obafemi Awolowo is the contrast between darkness and sunlight. Chief Awolowo wouldn’t have contemplated to declare an end to petroleum subsidy in Nigeria without any plan.
“Chief Awolowo wouldn’t have floated the exchange of the Naira against other international currencies without a plan on how to develop local industries and boost local production as a remedy of the current highly import dependent economy. Chief Awolowo would have ran a government with a third tier team of Nigerians, many of whom only fit the description of being survivalists in politics.
“Perhaps, it also needs to be put in context that Chief Awolowo will never have invested N15 trillion on the construction of 700 Kilometre Lagos – Calabar coastal highway, which is more than half of the annual budget of the Federal Government of Nigeria. If being Awoist is to be justified with reference to such humongous expenditure, it would have been allocated to the educational sector. Instead, we have President Asiwaju Tinubu, going against Awoist principles of high public investment in the educational sector and recklessly investing more than half of Nigeria’s annual budget on a highway with remote links to industries and the productive sectors of the economy. This is only made possible because President Asiwaju Tinubu has constituted a government that excluded true Awoists from being part of the government.
“The danger with the way President Asiwaju is running affairs of the country is the potential destruction of the relative advantages of the economy of the South-West region, almost like the way former President Buhari left the Northern region worse off after his eight-year tenure. More than anything, the negative impact of the crash in the value of the Naira and rising cost of production for industries – small, medium and large scale – will be more devastating to the economy of the South-West more than any other region.
These are leaders who prioritised public investment in human capital development at a time when Nigeria didn’t have the kind of resource endowment like we have today. Most of the foundational developments, which led to all our pioneer educational institutions such as University of Ibadan, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ife, University of Nigeria Nsukka and Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria were all created within less than ten years of Nigeria’s independence during the First Republic.
“Now, more than twenty-five years since the commencement of the Fourth Republic, there is hardly any achievement that can be pointed at, both in terms of physical development of the country and human development. Instead, virtually governments at all levels have been captured by so-called elected leaders who operates more like Yahoo-Yahoo fraudsters diverting public resources and assets to their private use. Problems of insecurity in the country, which is a bye product of the crisis of poverty, unemployment, drugs and substance abuse among young people, etc. are hardly getting the deserved attentions of elected leaders.
“Instead of building schools, recruiting teachers and providing books and teaching materials to harness the productive potentials of our population, elected leaders are more disposed to outright embezzlement of government resources so much so that today there are strong speculations of state governors converting substantial parts of their monthly federal allocations to US Dollars at black market rates, which is responsible for why the value of the Naira remain weak.
“As much as the issue of governors converting states monthly federal allocation is a speculation, there are instances whereby the Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC) accused one of the Governors of one of the states in North-Central of diverting more than N20 billion Naira of bailout funds to the state in 2021 to private account. That is the extent to which the incidence of ‘state capture’ at state level has ‘strengthen … economic positions’ of so-called elected leaders to the detriment of citizens. In fact, that is the challenge facing Nigerian democracy.
“If the phenomenon of ‘state capture’ is becoming a federal reality under the APC and President Asiwaju Tinubu, is Nigerian democracy moving to a stage whereby the resources of the Federal Government will almost become the personal resources of the President? Should that be the case, what will be the remedy?
From a situation whereby APC as the ruling party in Nigeria promised to provide the needed leadership to fight corruption, APC has legitimised higher level of corruption in the country, legitimising the phenomenon ‘state capture’ virtually at all levels. With ‘state capture’, democratic institutions such as the legislature, electoral bodies and political parties are emasculated.
“Even traditional institutions are increasingly being reduced to appendages of the executive arm of government. The executive arm of government is becoming more and more the problem of Nigerian democracy, undermining the capacity of elected leaders and governments to respond to challenges facing citizens. With high propensity to subvert laws that compels accountability, most Nigerian elected leaders operate with the corrupt mindset of ‘state capture’ thereby appropriating public resources and assets and converting them to private use.
“Getting out of such a mess will require strong political parties, which are lacking in contemporary Nigerian politics. How can we get political leaders to commit themselves towards building strong political parties? Whether Nigerian democracy can have the kind of future, which could enable elected representatives and governments to competently and effectively respond to challenges facing Nigerians is contingent on the ability of political leaders to produce strong political parties.
“So long as the aspirations of Nigerian politicians is only limited to winning elections and producing new elected leaders, Nigerian democracy will be unable to reverse the phenomenon of ‘state capture’, which is now in the advanced stage of taking over the Federal Government.
“Unfortunately, given the advanced stage of ‘state capture’ at Federal level, most political leaders, including the leading opposition leaders such as Alh. Atiku Abubakar, Mr. Peter Obi and Sen. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso are all operating in isolation to one another. APC leaders such as former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, Chief Rotimi Amaechi, Dr. Kayode Fayemi, Sen. Ibikunle Amosun, Mal. Nasir El-Rufai, Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesole etc. who are more like political orphans on account of being excluded from the President Asiwaju Tinubu government have been pushed to the peripheral edges of Nigerian politics.
“Although, there are some indicative political activities taking place around some of these political leaders, it has not graduated to the level of commitment to build the kind of strong political parties capable of threating the APC and President Asiwaju Tinubu, which is needed to guarantee the future of Nigerian democracy.
“Building strong political parties in the country capable of responding to the challenges facing citizens and reversing the phenomenon of ‘state capture’ at all levels is about political leaders agreeing to form a united front across all parties. Forming a united front is about recognising the shortcomings of individual leaders and being able to forgive misgivings of the past. Ability to forgive misgivings of the past is a fundamental requirement for political leaders to be able to orient themselves and provide the needed leadership for national reconciliation. Inability of APC, both under former President Buhari and now under President Asiwaju Tinubu to orient itself on the path of national reconciliation represent one of the big political failure ever experienced in the country.
Given the way the failure of APC has widen the country’s fault lines, it is important that considerations for developing united political front painstakingly aspire to unite political leaders across the country. For instance, the way, the people of the South-East rejected the APC since 2015 must be redressed.
“Any new united political front should gain some measure of high acceptability in virtually all parts of the country.
The requirement for high acceptability from all sections of the country should humble all political leaders in the country, especially Alh. Atiku Abubakar and Mr. Peter Obi not to exploit the need for such a united front by imposing their Presidential ambitions. In the same vein, other APC leaders such as Prof. Osinbajo, Chief Amaechi, Dr. Fayemi, Mal. El-Rufai, Sen. Amosu, etc. (APC political orphans) who in one way or the other have ambitions to become Nigeria’s President must bury such ambitions, at least not during the negotiation to form the united political front.
“The point must be recognised that building the kind of united front capable of moving Nigerian democracy forward require selflessness on the part of Nigerian political leaders. Beyond the requirement of selflessness, to overcome the experience we had under APC whereby after producing the united front, individual leaders superimposed their ambitions to become President the way both former President Buhari and President Asiwaju Tinubu did, the negotiation for the new united political front should prioritise building a party that can serve as a collective platform for negotiations. Leadership of such a party must not be devalued and left only to political surrogates whose mission is only to return their godfathers as candidates of the party for elections.
“If that is to be achieved, the National Chairman of the party must have the stature of a President in all considerations. Other members of the leadership of the party at all levels must have the stature corresponding to respective public servants. The party must be well resourced financially based on capacity to mobilise financial resources and invest in political work, including electioneering process in lines with extant provisions of Nigeria’s laws.
“These are fundamental preconditions for conferring dignity in the management of party work. Agreements reached based on decisions of party organs can be made binding on everyone and the turnover of party leaders moving take positions in government can be reduced. For that to be achieved, issues of funding must be resolved such that no leader of the new political front or party should be the main source of party funding. As much as possible, funding for election should be democratised. Candidates produced by the party must not be allowed to fund their campaigns.
“It is quite disappointing that APC crashed from a situation whereby the party was responsible in mobilising all the campaign funds for former President Buhari in 2015 to a situation whereby the party negligibly contributed to President Asiwaju Tinubu’s campaign funds in 2023. Similarly, virtually all APC candidates funded their campaigns almost exclusively in 2023. Once issues of party funding and funding of candidates for elections are privatise, the capacity to reverse the phenomenon of ‘state capture’ will be weak, if not impossible. APC and President Asiwaju Tinubu can be defeated in 2027, but the problems of corruption in the country may continue to manifest in higher forms, may even go beyond the problem of ‘state capture’.
“We must appeal to all political leaders in Nigeria, across all the political parties in the country to commit themselves in forging a new atmosphere of political unity in the country based selfless disposition, forgiving the misgiving of past and national reconciliation. If APC and President Asiwaju Tinubu are to have any considerable electoral strength in 2027 it will be on account of the current division, which characterise Nigerian politics and make it impossible for any form of cooperation by political leaders.
“Absence of cooperation among political leaders is responsible for the rising incidences of bad governance in the country and is eroding the basis Nigerian nationhood. Once democracy cannot respond to challenges facing citizens, Nigeria as a sovereign entity will be irrelevant and questionable.
“Nigerian opposition political leaders, including the orphaned leaders of APC who are excluded in the APC government of President Asiwaju Tinubu, notably Alh. Atiku Abubakar, Mr. Peter Obi, Sen. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, Prof. Yemi Osinbajo, Chief Rotimi Amaechi, Dr. Kayode Fayemi, Sen. Ibikunle Amosun, Mal. Nasir El-Rufai, Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola, etc. must unite to rescue Nigeria. Whether producing the united political platform can be achieved through merger of existing parties, forming a new party or rebranding any of the existing parties is a decision that can be determined if leaders agree to come together and unite.
“First thing first, political leaders must recognise that rescuing Nigeria from its current slippery slope is about teamwork and partnership. It is only through conscious and committed teamwork that we can rebuild important democratic institutions such as political parties, legislatures, electoral bodies, and other institutions, which could hold elected officials accountable. Beyond holding elected officials accountable, it is only when we have strong political parties with leaders who run affairs of the party based on provisions of party constitutions that processes of leadership selection can be sanitised in the country.
“Political leaders in Nigeria, notably Alh. Atiku Abubakar, Mr. Peter Obi, Sen. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, Prof. Yemi Osinbajo, Chief Rotimi Amaechi, Dr. Kayode Fayemi, Sen. Ibikunle Amosun, Mal. Nasir El-Rufai, Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola, etc. must answer the question as to whether they want to allow their narrow political ambition to continue block the path for the democratic development of Nigeria? Or why shouldn’t they aspire to register their name as political leaders who were able to rise to the occasion in Nigeria’s hour of national need by coming together to forge a united political front, which could transformed Nigeria’s democracy and reverse the phenomenon of ‘state capture’ that produced ‘small corrupt groups’ of used ‘government officials’ who are appropriating ‘government decision-making to strengthen their own economic positions’?
“May God unite all patriotic political leaders in Nigeria across all parties, including orphaned of APC and strengthen them with the capacity to be selfless and commit themselves to building all the demleadersocratic institutions that can make elected leaders and governments at all levels accountable to citizens based on which Nigeria’s democracy is effectively capable of responding to national challenges and meeting the expectations of citizens. Amin!”
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Fresh Crisis: Atiku, Malami, Others Fingered As EFCC Begins Fresh Probe Of Mambilla Power Deal
The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has constituted a team to investigate individuals named in alleged questionable dealings linked to the Mambilla Hydroelectric Power Project, following a recent ruling by the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) in Paris, France, in favour of Nigeria.
Sources familiar with the development told Premium Times that the investigative team is being supervised by the Chairman of the EFCC, Ola Olukoyede.
The investigation comes days after the ICC tribunal dismissed major claims brought before it by Sunrise Power and Transmission Company Limited against Nigeria over the 3,960-megawatt Mambilla Hydroelectric Power Project in Taraba State.
The company had made a claim against the Federal Republic of Nigeria, demanding $680 million as a settlement sum and interest in respect of another arbitration in which it is claiming over $2.7 billion in compensation and interest.
Delivering its verdict on Thursday, the tribunal directed Sunrise and its promoter to refund Nigeria’s legal fees of $11.8 million. It also rejected Sunrise’s claim for an order that Nigeria should pay the company $400 million in satisfaction of the settlement sum of $200 million and the default sum of $200 million.
The tribunal insisted that Leno Adesanya, the promoter of Sunrise, is bound by the arbitration agreement with Nigeria pursuant to the settlement agreement, adding that it has jurisdiction over Nigeria’s counterclaim against him and his firm.
According to sources, EFCC investigation will focus on individuals mentioned in the tribunal’s findings over payments and transactions that the panel described as raising concerns or ‘red flags.’
The tribunal revealed that many Nigerian politicians and individuals who held public offices were named as associates or officials who had dealings with Adesanya
The officials include former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, his then-wife Jennifer Douglas, Abubakar Malami, Olu Agunloye, Sambo Dasuki, his son Abubakar Dasuki, Abdullahi Yola, and Dere Awosika.
Malami, a former Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF), was severely criticised by the tribunal for acting against Nigeria’s national interest. He was accused of maintaining an “inappropriate relationship” with Adesanya, and entering into a corrupt deal. Already, Mr Malami is facing trial after the EFCC accused him, his wife, and son of conspiring to conceal, disguise and retain about N8.7 billion proceeds of unlawful activities.
Atiku, former vice president of Nigeria, was named by the tribunal in its review of a $500,000 payment made by Adesanya on 30 January 2003 from the Swiss bank account of his offshore company, China Castle Investments Ltd, to a US bank account belonging to Ms Douglas, Atiku’s ex-wife.
The payment was made less than four months before the Mambilla BOT contract was purportedly awarded to Sunrise by then Minister of Power and Steel, Olu Agunloye. Mr Adesanya told the tribunal that the money was part of a foreign-exchange transaction carried out for Atiku through his bureau de change business.
But the tribunal said that the explanation was not supported by documentary evidence. It said Adesanya did not produce records showing the underlying naira payment, the exchange rate applied, instructions from Atiku or his aides, correspondence concerning the transaction or documentation establishing its commercial purpose.
The tribunal also noted that neither Atiku nor Ms Douglas provided a witness statement or declaration supporting the explanation.
It noted that Atiku had led a Nigerian government delegation to Beijing in July 2002, which included Adesanya, during which the Nigerian government and the Chinese state-owned NCPEC signed a memorandum of understanding covering, among other projects, the Mambilla project.
However, Atiku has denied being indicted by the tribunal and said he was not responsible for awarding the contract.
Agunloye, a former minister of Power and Steel, was linked to payments he described as part of “medical expenses”. He is currently standing trial over charges relating to the Mambilla power project.
The tribunal also questioned payments of $1.74 million made to Abubakar Dasuki, the son of Sambo Dasuki, a former National Security Adviser (NSA), adding that the transaction raised “considerable red flags.”
The tribunal said Dasuki failed to substantiate his claim that the payment was a loan, citing inconsistencies in his evidence, the absence of a loan agreement and the lack of records showing how the transaction was accounted for by Sunrise.
Yola and Awosika were also named among those involved in alleged bribery and the receipt of controversial payments.
Sources told Premium Times that the EFCC may invite Atiku and his ex-wife, Douglas, for questioning in the coming days or weeks.
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Atiku Challenges Tinubu Over Third Straight UNGA Absence, Questions ‘American Baggage’
Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has demanded an explanation from President Bola Ahmed Tinubu over his decision to stay away from the United Nations General Assembly for the third consecutive year.
Atiku’s criticism followed the Presidency’s announcement that Vice President Kashim Shettima would represent Tinubu and lead Nigeria’s delegation to the 81st Session of the UNGA in New York. The 2026 General Debate is scheduled for September 22 to 28.
In a statement issued on Sunday by his Senior Special Assistant on Public Communication, Phrank Shaibu, Atiku said Tinubu had been absent from the 79th UNGA in 2024, the 80th in 2025 and would again not attend the 81st session in 2026.
Atiku, the presidential candidate of the African Democratic Congress, said the repeated delegation of the Vice President could no longer be regarded as routine diplomatic representation.
He argued that the UNGA provides heads of government with an important platform to advance their countries’ interests, hold bilateral meetings, attract investments, pursue trade opportunities and engage development partners.
According to him, while Shettima could effectively represent Nigeria, the Vice President’s participation could not completely substitute for the President’s personal presence and visibility at a major international diplomatic gathering.
Atiku further argued that Nigeria could lose opportunities for investment and development financing when the President is absent from such high-level engagements.
“The cost is eventually transferred to ordinary citizens: fewer investments mean fewer businesses and fewer jobs,” he said.
The former vice president also questioned reports that Nigeria’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Jimoh Ibrahim, had secured a seat for Tinubu close to United States President Donald Trump during the General Assembly.
“The seat was secured, but the President disappeared,” Atiku said.
He also questioned reports that the Tinubu administration had spent up to $9 million on American lobbyists, asking why Nigeria would commit such funds to lobbying efforts in the United States while the President repeatedly stayed away from the UN gathering in New York.
“What exactly did Nigerians purchase with that money?” Atiku asked.
Questions over Tinubu’s US legal history
Atiku subsequently raised questions about Tinubu’s past legal proceedings in the United States, citing Case No. 93 C 4483 before the US District Court for the Northern District of Illinois.
He referred to the forfeiture proceedings involving funds held in accounts in Tinubu’s name and those of associated companies, alleging that US court documents linked the funds to narcotics trafficking and money laundering.
Atiku said the proceedings ultimately resulted in the forfeiture of approximately $460,000 to the US government.
However, he stressed that he was not claiming Tinubu was legally barred from entering the United States.
“We are not asserting that Tinubu is legally prohibited from entering the United States. The Presidency has announced no such restriction,” Atiku said.
He nevertheless questioned whether Tinubu’s past legal history in the US had any connection with his repeated absence from the UNGA.
“Nigerians are therefore entitled to ask whether Tinubu’s three consecutive UNGA absences have anything to do with this documented American history,” he said.
Atiku called on the Presidency to explain the reason for Tinubu’s absence if there was no legal, diplomatic, medical or personal impediment preventing him from attending.
“Has one man’s personal history become a burden on Nigeria’s diplomatic engagement?” he asked.
He also questioned whether the President’s absence could affect Nigeria’s diplomatic engagement with the United States and other countries.
Atiku concluded by demanding greater transparency from the Presidency over the decision to send Shettima to the UNGA for a third consecu
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2027: Tinubu Moves to Give Wike Rivers, FCT Campaign Control Amid APC Governors’ Clash
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is moving to give Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, a clearly defined role in his 2027 presidential re-election campaign, with the former Rivers State governor expected to coordinate campaign activities in Rivers and the FCT.
The emerging arrangement, reported by THISDAY on Monday, is designed to harness Wike’s political network in the two territories without formally placing him within the hierarchy of the All Progressives Congress (APC), despite his prominent support for Tinubu’s re-election.
Wike remains a member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and has repeatedly stated that he has no intention of joining the APC to support Tinubu’s second-term bid.
The reported arrangement comes amid growing tensions between Wike and some APC governors over the structure and control of political mobilisation ahead of the 2027 elections.
Wike to Coordinate Rivers, FCT
Wike has consistently maintained that he does not need to belong to the APC or occupy the position of Director-General of Tinubu’s campaign council before supporting the President’s re-election.
Instead, the FCT minister has publicly declared that his objective is to deliver Rivers State and the FCT for Tinubu in 2027.
During a media interaction in Port Harcourt earlier this month, Wike described himself as the “General Commander of the Political Infantry” in Rivers and the FCT.
“You do not need to be governor before you can be in charge. I am the General Commander of the Political Infantry; therefore, I am in charge. So also in FCT. I owe the President to give these two,” Wike said.
The proposed campaign arrangement would give a formal framework to the political responsibility Wike has already publicly claimed in the two territories.
The reported move comes after Tinubu constituted the APC Presidential Campaign Council in August, with former Zamfara State Governor Abdulaziz Yari appointed Director-General.
Imo State Governor Hope Uzodimma was named secretary, while Tinubu serves as chairman. Vice President Kashim Shettima and APC National Chairman Nentawe Yilwatda were named vice-chairmen.
Senate President Godswill Akpabio, House of Representatives Speaker Tajudeen Abbas and Yobe State Governor Mai Mala Buni were also assigned deputy director-general roles.
However, the emerging campaign structure is not expected to operate strictly through a single chain of command. According to the report, Akpabio and Deputy Senate President Jibrin Barau are expected to operate with distinct responsibilities rather than directly reporting to Yari.
The arrangement is reportedly intended to accommodate the different political blocs and influential figures expected to play roles in Tinubu’s re-election campaign.
Why Wike’s Role Is Different
Wike presents an unusual political situation for the Tinubu campaign.
Although he remains a PDP member, he has become one of the President’s most prominent political allies outside the APC.
His relationship with Tinubu became particularly significant during the 2023 presidential election, when Wike and four other PDP governors known as the G5 refused to support the party’s presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar.
Wike subsequently supported Tinubu while remaining in the PDP.
After the election, Tinubu appointed him Minister of the FCT, making him one of the most prominent opposition-party politicians serving in the APC-led Federal Government.
Since then, Wike has repeatedly defended the Tinubu administration and declared his support for the President’s 2027 re-election bid.
The reported campaign arrangement comes against the backdrop of disagreements between Wike and APC governors over his proposed Rainbow Coalition.
Wike has described the coalition as a cross-party platform designed to mobilise support for Tinubu’s presidential re-election.
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