By Eng. Amaechi Ugwu

There are scribbles. There are rants. And then, occasionally, there is the tragedy of a semi-literate masquerading as a public commentator, desperately attempting to string together ChatGPT-generated phrases with his trademark grammatical poverty, all in a bid to impress a master who has long abandoned principles for political polygamy. Such is the latest obituary of common sense written by one Shephardman Iyoku; an unknown quantity in the world of letters, ideas, or even basic civility under the guise of “performance assessment” for Ikoro Global TV, an outfit that remains an embarrassment to even local street-corner gossip.

Let us begin where facts died in his piece: the comparison of Hon. Prof. Paul Nnamchi, a man whose academic odyssey and public service record tower far beyond the intellectual eyesight of Mr. Iyoku, to Hon. Atu. This is akin to placing a village drummer beside a symphony conductor and pretending they are equals because they both make noise.

Shephardman, who until recently collected stipends like a stray dog grateful for crumbs under Prof. Nnamchi’s table, suddenly found his voice after his feeding bowl was withdrawn, a withdrawal not of opportunity, but of wasted investment. The biting irony is that this same man whose principal Barr. Chijioke Edeoga has shamelessly embraced the very man he publicly vilified now spends his daylight hours rewriting loyalty in exchange for political validation. What shall we call this but a tragic festival of betrayal and borrowed voices?

If indeed Mr. Iyoku were literate enough to understand legislative procedure, he would know that first readings are not the metric of legislative failure, but part of a broader institutional journey where bills are carefully deliberated, not performed like roadside drama. But then again, one does not expect a man who cannot spell “bill” without predictive text to understand how bills become laws.

Prof. Nnamchi’s work, unlike the copy-and-paste fairytales peddled by Shephardman, speaks quietly but impactfully: community ICT centres worth millions, classroom blocks where there were none before, solar installations beyond selfies, and legislative engagement rooted in research, substance, and statesmanship. While Atu builds mobile labs, which are commendable, Prof. Nnamchi builds human capital and civic enlightenment, the very things Mr. Iyoku lacks and is too bitter to recognize.

Let us not forget: Ikoro Global TV, if we can be generous enough to call it that, is a loose and leaky platform where syntax dies, punctuation cries, and logic is routinely sacrificed on the altar of vendetta. It is the home of bad English, worse journalism, and the kind of intellectual starvation that makes one wonder if education is still legal in their editorial chambers.

This attack is not journalism. It is the wailing of a wounded errand boy who mistook tokenism for destiny. It is a beggarly tantrum disguised as analysis; a last gasp from a political orphan who forgot that betrayal carries its own unemployment benefits.

In the end, Prof. Paul Nnamchi remains a Professor not by convenience but by conquest, a legislator not by noise but by noble intent. And as for Shephardman Iyoku, he will remain what he has always been: a wandering typist, clinging to borrowed ideas like a man groping for light in a cave he refuses to leave.

Engr. Amechi Ugwu
Conscience Over Noise, Ink Over Insult
For the enlightened defenders of truth in Enugu East/Isi Uzo

By Sufuyan Ojeifo

In the grand chessboard of Nigerian politics, the South-South zone has emerged as a theatre of intrigue, ambition, and transformation. Long held as the stronghold of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), this six-state belt comprising Akwa Ibom, Rivers, Edo, Delta, Bayelsa, and Cross River, has been defined by its oil wealth, complex ethnic calculus, and history of federal marginalisation. Yet, the tide is shifting. With 2027 approaching, a new alliance is redrawing the region’s political geography. At the helm are two battle-tested tacticians: Senate President Godswill Obot Akpabio and Federal Capital Territory Minister Nyesom Ezenwo Wike.

Their synergy is no accident. Forged from years of shared pragmatism and mutual respect, sharpened by political combat and cemented by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s strategic confidence in both men, the Akpabio-Wike axis is now Tinubu’s ace in a region that was once sceptical of the All Progressives Congress (APC). With each passing month, their influence deepens, their networks expand, and the South-South’s loyalty to Tinubu’s “Renewed Hope” agenda grows more visible.

■ Governor-kingpins turned federal titans

Akpabio’s rise to national prominence began in Akwa Ibom, where he governed from 2007 to 2015. His “Uncommon Transformation” agenda produced visible infrastructure, modernised education, and redefined the capital, Uyo. But it was not just the roads and buildings that endured. He cultivated a political machine anchored in loyalty, patronage, and performance. Even after switching to the APC in 2018, Akpabio remained a force. Today, as Senate President, he sits at the apex of legislative influence, blending state-level charisma with national clout.

Wike’s trajectory mirrored Akpabio’s in intensity, if not in tone. As Rivers governor from 2015 to 2023, he governed with a bulldozer’s energy and a rather colourful tongue, to coin a stylistic phrase. Flyovers, bridges, and public schools dotted the Port Harcourt skyline on his watch. But beyond infrastructure, Wike built a fearsome political machine. His infamous quip “As e dey pain dem, e dey sweet us” became a rallying cry, both combative and celebratory. Now ensconced in Abuja as FCT Minister, he wields federal power with the same swagger he honed in Rivers.

■ The Alliance: Born of fire, forged by realpolitik

Akpabio and Wike were not always allies. Their political paths criss-crossed with sparks. In 2021, they clashed publicly over Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) funds, a spat that underlined their mutual wariness. But both men are students of power. They understand the difference between friendship and alignment, between temporary quarrels and long-term stakes.

It was Tinubu’s deft orchestration during and after the 2023 elections that brought them fully into alignment. Akpabio, having weathered internal resistance, clinched the Senate Presidency with Tinubu’s blessing. Wike, fresh from his bruising battles within the PDP, accepted the FCT Ministry role, a position of unusual visibility and executive reach. Both moves were calculated. Both men were handed levers of federal influence and a mandate to reengineer the South-South.

■ Structures of influence, engines of mobilisation

In Akwa Ibom, Akpabio’s dominance remains palpable. Though no longer governor, his imprimatur still shapes political outcomes. But he has not limited himself to his home base. With Tinubu’s support, he has expanded into Edo, backing Monday Okpebholo as APC’s governorship standard bearer. It is a bold move. Edo is known for its political volatility and resistance to outside influence. But Akpabio’s intervention, far from being resented, has introduced coherence to APC’s strategy in the state.

Wike, meanwhile, remains the undisputed strongman of Rivers. His grip is institutional, emotional, and electoral. But he, too, is thinking beyond his borders. In Cross River, where APC already governs, Wike’s overtures to political elites have been welcomed. In Bayelsa, his growing presence is unmistakable. The recent federal projects and policy footprints traceable to his influence are not mere happenstance. They are tactical incursions.

Delta presents a more nuanced picture. Historically, a PDP territory, the state is now wobbling under the weight of internal realignments. Former governor James Ibori, long seen as a political heavyweight, is now shepherding loyalists towards Tinubu. Governor Sherrif Oborevwori and former governor Okowa, both once staunch PDP figures, are said to be warming up to APC structures. While Akpabio’s footprint in Delta is light, the broader Tinubu machinery, with Ibori’s navigation, is making the state increasingly receptive to the APC.

■ Performance meets patronage: Strategic federal roles

Wike has turned the FCT Ministry into a political theatre. Whatever one may feel about Wike’s personality, what one cannot deny is his passion to get tangible things done. As such, Abuja’s infrastructure is getting a facelift. But so too is Tinubu’s federal brand.

Roads, public buildings, and new policies bear Wike’s activist signature. In town hall meetings, on social media, and within elite circles, the message is the same: performance is the new propaganda. By centralising federal attention on Abuja, Wike is showing what APC governance looks like when driven by energy and urgency.

Akpabio, on his part, has used the Senate Presidency not merely for legislative function but for grassroots outreach. His N2 billion constituency intervention included minibuses, scholarships, grants, and institutional support across the South-South. His ability to push tertiary education bills and galvanise federal attention for South-South issues has earned him fresh respect. His statement that there would be “no opposition in 2027” may have raised eyebrows, but it also signalled intent: Tinubu’s path to re-election runs through consolidated zones, not contested ones.

■ Shifting political pulse: Communities react

Across the South-South, the Akpabio-Wike effect is being felt. In Akwa Ibom, even a PDP-elected governor like Umo Eno has decamped to the APC and endorsed Tinubu, citing national unity and pragmatism. In Delta, the underground acceptance of APC structures by traditional PDP actors signals an ideological drift. In Edo, the momentum behind Monday Okpebholo is energising new voters. Across the region, community-level feedback is turning from suspicion to curiosity, and from curiosity to cautious embrace.

The message is simple: Tinubu is present, his proxies are performing, and the South-South is watching.

■ Cracks in the alliance?

But even the most masterful alliance is not immune to stress. Wike’s style, brash and unapologetic, occasionally alienates more conservative voices. His battles with Rivers State Governor Siminalayi Fubara have drawn criticism, even from within the APC. Akpabio’s centralised approach to legislative control sometimes unsettles other regional stakeholders. And within the APC itself, murmurs of discomfort abound. Some loyalists are already voicing concerns about decampees “eating the food they didn’t cook.”

Tinubu’s balancing act is delicate. He must retain the loyalty of his South-South chess masters while keeping the party’s internal cohesion intact. He must deliver real dividends to validate the political realignments or risk disillusionment. The alliance is built on power, yes, but it must now translate into prosperity.

■ A Masterstroke or a mirage?

For now, the Akpabio-Wike synergy is Tinubu’s most potent weapon in the South-South. It is a political gambit that combines pedigree, performance, and proximity to the grassroots. It is a blend of old-school mobilisation and modern political calculation.

But it is also a structure that must be nurtured. Regional expectations are high. The hunger for representation is matched only by the thirst for results. Tinubu’s challenge is to make this alliance not just an electoral machine but a development vanguard.

The South-South is watching. In the chess game of Nigerian politics, Akpabio and Wike have made their opening gambits. The endgame may well determine not just Tinubu’s re-election but the lasting legacy of a region long poised for its moment at the centre.

For now, the pieces are in motion. The king has placed his confidence in two grandmasters. The board is set. And 2027 is the checkmate they seek. How will the game end? Only time, as always, will tell.

By Prof Mike Ozekhome

The silence before the gong

When a great Iroko falls, it does not do so quietly. It thunders in the forest.

I was sipping coffee that morning as the world was yet wrapped in its festive linen. Eid al-Adha, the celebration of obedience and the commemoration of Abraham (Ibrahim)’ willingness to sacrifice his son in obedience to God’s command, had brought families together under canopies of roasted ram, plenty food, laughter and spiritual rejuvenation. And then a friend called me to announce, “Justice Mohammed LawalUwais has passed on.” The words staggered out of my phone like a wounded gazelle. For a moment, I thought it was a mistake. Not because Justice Uwais was too young to die. No. After all, life expectancy in Nigeria is only 61.2 for men and 62.6 for women, all below the global average of 73.3.So while the acclaimed Jurist was not too young to die, he was certainly too good to die. Just like that. My humble submission.

Justice Uwais had exited the stage quietly without pomp and without pageantry just days shy of turning 89. So his was surely a long life, certainly, outpacing that of the average Nigerian male. Yet, no arithmetic can capture the fullness of a life lived in rigour and relevance such as that of Uwais. As the Hausa would say: “Mutuwa ba ta da rana”, meaning that ‘death does not have a fixed day’. But his felt symbolically placed, almost divinely arranged.

To die during the sacred season of Eid al-Adha when souls are softened, when the air is filled with remembrance of the ultimate sacrifice was itself a testament to Uwais’ fulfilled life. It was a sign that suggested he had made peace with his maker and thus the time when Almighty Allah had chosen the hour to welcome back a faithful servant.

AND TRULY, WAS HE NOT A STEWARD?

This man, who walked into the Supreme Court at a mere 43, not merely young but burning with judicial fire, would sit on the bench for decades. By 1995, he had become the Chief Justice of Nigeria. He held that seat, the very apex of Nigerian justice, for 11 formidable years, the second-longest tenure in the nation’s apex history, following the 14 years spent by the longest serving CJN, Sir Adetokunbo Ademola ( 1958-1972). Uwais was not just a judge. He was the Judge; a Judge’s Judge. Uwais did not just jump into the seat of the CJN. He had pupilaged, servingpatiently under 5 whole CJNs- Hon. Justices Darnley Alexander; Atanda Fatayi- Williams; George SodeindeSowemo; Ayo Gabriel Irikefe; and Mohammed Bello.

In the ancient Ashanti kingdoms of West Africa, elders would say, “When the drumbeat changes, the dance must also change.” It is the same adage in my Uvhanolanguage in Etsako, Edo State. And Justice Uwaiscame drumming a new rhythm into the judiciary. Law was not for theatrics. Law to him, was a sacred text, precise, divine, unyielding. A thing to be revered, not wielded like a cudgel. He did not just apply laws. He understood their soul. Calm with penetrating eyes and sharp wit, Uwais was a pleasure to appear before at the apex court. And I did so many times. He would never harass nor talk down on a Counsel, not even junior ones. His humility and respect for the Bar were legendary.

There was a certain meticulousness to his rulings, an almost surgical devotion to jurisprudence. He would dance between the lines of legislation, looking out for justice, with a clarity and erudition that reminded one of sunlight on steel. And he had the rare gift of seeing the implications, not just the letter, but the heartbeat of the law. With him, a lawyer could easily know the outcome of his case based on available precedents. He saw law as the handmaid with which justice is delivered (Bello v AG, Oyo State (19686) 5 NWLR 820 (SC); (1986) CLR 12(b)( SC).

And when he spoke, the courtroom held its breath. This was no ordinary Jurist. This was the son of the Chief Alkali and later Waziri of Zaria emirate. Nobility ran through his veins, but humility shaped his demeanourand persona.

He often quoted legendary Justice Samson Uwaifo(JSC)’s memorable words at his valedictory speech, “A corrupt judge is more harmful to society than a man who runs amok with a dagger in a crowded street. The latter can be restrained physically, but a corrupt judge deliberately destroys the moral foundation of society and causes incalculable distress to individuals through abusing his office, while still being referred to as honourable.” And this was not some offhand remark. It was a creed for him. He lived it. Believed it. Fought for it. It was not a speech given to hyperbole. It was truth wrapped in fire.

For a Judge is not just a man in robes. A Judge is the final arbiter in the face of injustice. He sits between God and his fellow beings. A corrupt judge does not merely break laws. He breaks people. He breaks morals. He breaks society. He breaks the future. Justice Uwais, thankfully, did none of these.

THE JUDGE WHO SAW TOMORROW

In the vast drama of Nigerian politics, an ever-rolling masquerade of power and promises, one name will never be forgotten: Mohammed Lawal Uwais. Why? Because after retirement, when he could have retreated into quiet gardens to write memoirs, he chose instead to lead a silent revolution.

President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua had called upon him to chair the Presidential Committee on Electoral Reforms. It was in 2007, and Nigeria’s democracy was haemorrhaging. Elections that brought in Yar’Adua as president had been marred by fraud, violence and brazen manipulation. And like the prophet who warns his people not out of anger but out of love, the now late Justice Uwais stepped forward and accepted the challenge.

The committee’s recommendations were not timid revisions. They were seismic. Audacious. Brave. Revolutionary.

They proposed unbundling of INEC and to emerge from its stable, three brand-new commissions to handle Electoral Offences, Constituency Delimitation, and Political Party Registration. These were responsibilities hitherto buried within INEC, that sacred cow of electoral hopes, but which has serially dashed Nigeria’s hopes.

The boldest recommendation perhaps? That the head of INEC should no longer be appointed by the President, but by the Judiciary.

It was a direct shot at the veins of partisanship, to remove it from Executive control of the president. Unsurprisingly, the corridors of power shuddered. The result? Yar’Adua rejected it. Others danced around it. But Justice Uwais stood his ground, steady as a Baobab tree.

“Let justice be done though the heavens fall,” the old Romans said. And Justice Uwais would certainly have agreed.

In time, Acting President Goodluck Jonathan did something unexpected: he dusted off the unedited Uwais Report and sent it, unaltered to the National Assembly. A rare moment of political courage. It was as though the ghost of the law had whispered in his ear: “Do not fear. Do right.” But the battle raged. Senators balked. “Separation of powers!”, they cried. “Letting the judiciary appoint INEC chair compromises neutrality!”, they argued. Asif appointment by the President was not itself the greatest show of partially.

Justice Uwais watched. He did not yell. He did not rage. He let the report speak. For true men of wisdom do not throw stones. They plant seeds. And watch them grow. Today, even though the report saw little fragments implemented, its endearing impact remains undeniable. It has ever since shaped national discourse and conversation on electoral matters. It was a case of “res ipsa loquitur”. It framed new expectations. It was not just a document, it was a mirror through which we were to see ourselves during elections. And Nigeria saw herself in her full nakedness, watts and all, perhaps for the first time, without her make-belief makeup.

OF DUST, LEGACIES AND THE QUIET ROAD HOME

The Holy Qur’an says in Surah Al-Baqarah(2:286): “Allah does not burden a soul beyond that it can bear.” And surely, Allah knew what He was doing when He burdened Justice Uwais with the weight of the Nigerian judiciary. Not all men can sit on the edge of power and not be seduced by the corrosive power of power. Uwais was not. Not all men can dwell among the many rogues within the larger society and still remain robed in white. Uwais was.

UWAIS’ TENDER FEET

Justice Uwais’s formative years set the stage for his distinguished career. Born in Zaria on the 12th of June, 1936, he was raised in a family with strong roots in education and leadership. In 1950, Uwais advanced to Zaria Middle School and later attended the prestigious Barewa College in Zaria.

His legal journey took him to the Institute of Administration at Ahmadu Bello University, followed by studies in England, where he was called to the Bar at the Middle Temple in 1963 and admitted to the Nigerian Bar on January 17, 1964.

In 1973, Justice Uwais was appointed Acting Judge of the High Courts of North Central, Benue-Plateau, and North Eastern States of Nigeria. His judicial career continued its upward trajectory as he became a substantive Judge in 1974; briefly served as the Chief Judge of Kaduna State in 1976, and was elevated to the Federal Court of Appeal in 1977. At just 43, he became a member of Nigeria’s Supreme Court, where he served for 27 years and his legal acumen shone. As at today, no Justice of the Supreme Court has ever spent, close to the over 3 decades he served.

A SUPREME BAPTISM OF FIRE

Still very fresh at the court, Uwais was invited by the then Chief Justice of Nigeria, Hon. Justice AtandaFatai-Willlams to join the panel that decided the appeal which today is a cause célèbre. This was because Justice George S. Sowemimo who later became a CJN himself declined to be part of the panel. His excuse was that he convicted Awolowo in the 1960’s in the then Western Region. Uniquely, Uwais also holds the honour of being the first Alumnus of the Nigerian Law School to have occupied the exalted position of CJNand the first Chief Justice of Nigeria to retire at 70.

As Chief Justice of Nigeria, Uwais was known for his professionalism, impartiality, and dedication to the rule of law. He was instrumental in reshaping the Nigerian judiciary and strengthening public confidence in the justice system. His efforts to establish a full complement of 16 Justices of the Supreme Court, which improved the court’s ability to manage cases efficiently, were pivotal. He also introduced new court sitting arrangements, which included special sittings at the beginning of the legal year and the swearing-in of new Senior Advocates of Nigeria.

EVEN AFTER RETIRING, UWAIS’S COMMITMENT TO NATIONAL PROGRESS DID NOT WANE

Even after retiring, Uwais’s commitment to national progress did not wane.

In 2002, he expanded the political space by allowing the registration of new political parties, an act that electrified democratic possibilities. He served as Chairman of the Federal Judicial Service Commission from 1999 to 2006, the very engine room of Nigeria’s legal bureaucracy. And in all these years, he remained untouched by scandal. Untouched by corruption.Unmoved by politics. But unyielding in character and dignity. And then came 6th June, 2025, and he breathes his final breath. But let no one say he died. Say instead he went home.

The African proverbs tell us that when a lion dies, the forest mourns for seven days. For Justice Uwais, the forest may mourn for seventy. They say in Yoruba lands, “Eni ba ku, ki a ma fi oro e se eré.” meaning ‘When a man dies, his name should not become a joke’. Let his deeds speak. Let the winds echo his memory. Let the heavens blaze forth his legacy.

Forever, Uwais’ deeds are engraved in rulings and judgements; in judicial and political reforms; in the minds of generations of Nigerian lawyers who studied his judgements the way others study scripture. And for the skeptics, the cynics who say one man cannot change a nation, I offer Justice Uwais.

He did not make speeches on podiums. He simply wrote judgements. He signed reports. He told truth to power in long lonely corridors. He was a light. Incandescent. Not flamboyant, but persistent.

HE WAS A LIGHT INCANDESCENT; NOT FLAMBOYANT, BUT PRESENT

An illuminating light in a country too often plunged into judicial darkness. While Uwais was a Judge’s Judge, he has now returned to his maker, the JUDGE OF ALL JUDGES. The One before whom robes, bibs,collars, studs and gavels are meaningless, and only sincerity and nobility stand. Sir, you served your nation faithfully with every fibre in you. Now, rest in perfect peace, unburdened by Nigeria ‘s spirally problems.May Allah forgive your earthly sins and grant you Al-Jannah Firdausi. Amin.

Ozekhome is a Senior Advocate of Nigeria and human rights activist