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NATASHA: VICTIM OF MALE HEGEMONY  BY Charles Nwokedi 

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Charles Nwokedi

Last Thursday, March 6, 2025, will go down in history as one dark day in Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country.

Indeed, it was a dark day for Nigeria’s democracy as the Nigerian  Senate, suspended one of its own,  Senator Natasha Akpoti- Uduaghan, for violating the  Standing Rules of the Red Chamber of the National Assembly.

Fourteen days before the suspension, the elegant female lawmaker had an altercation with the President of the Senate, Sen Godswill Akpabio over a new sitting arrangement that did not go down well with her.

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On getting into the hallowed chamber of the parliament that fateful day, Natasha found that she had been relocated from the seat allocated to her when she was elected to represent the Central Senatorial District of Kogi State.
 
Since she had no prior knowledge of the change in the  sitting  arrangement, she could not understand the reason for the change but her attempt to raise a point of order to seek explanations met a  stiff resistance.

Akpabio, the presiding officer ruled  her out of order in a manner that suggested that there was more to the change of seat than the authorities were ready to divulge.

Enraged by this attitude, Natasha  rose to her feet, took hold of the microphone and protested openly, alleging that her relocation to another seat was in bad faith.

As they say, hell knows no furry like a woman scorned. She stated her case so strongly and angrily that sone of  her colleague legislators moved towards her to calm her frayed. nerves.

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But  unknown to her, the audacity with which  she made that open protest had angered the authorities who saw it an unruly behaviour.

There were suggestions that Natasha must be suspended there and then but a higher reasoning prevailed and her case was referred to the Senate Committee on Ethics, Privileges and Public Petitions. But everyone knew that giving the committee the task of investigating Natasha”s alleged unruly behaviour was a mere formality.

Hence when the Ethics, Privileges and Public Petitions Committee rushed through the assignment and submitted its report even without hearing from Natasha, it was clear that it had done a hatchet job.

The speedy consideration of the report and the unanimous endorsement of its recommendations were therefore,  no surprises.

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It is no longer news that Natasha has been suspended for six months without pay.

In addition, her office has been sealed and she must not be found anywhere near the National Assembly or participate in any legislative activity of the Senate. Like an outcast she is going to live the next six months all alone, except for family, friends, well wishers and constituents.

This is not only cruel but a miscarriage of justice and an abuse of power. It is simply a way of saying to every lawmaker: Don’t dare the Senate or else we give you the Natasha treatment.

It is a pity that this is happening in Africa’s largest democracy and inside the National Assembly, the supposed bastion of that democracy. It is unfortunate that the Red Chamber took a decision to suspend Natasha without looking at the circumstances leading to her open protest  during plrmenary on February 20, 2025.

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While it is true that the Senate Standing. Rules give the Presiding Officer (Akpabio) the prerogative to allocate seats to lawnakers, the sane Standing Rules prescribed that the Clerk of the Senate should notify the affected lawmakers that their seats would be (or have been) changed to avoid confusion.

Where exactly did Natasha go wrong? Is it because she took the bull by the horns when she found herself in a tight corner or is it the sexual harassment allegation she made against Akpabio that turned the tide against her.

The puppets in the Ethics, Privileges  annd Public Petitions Committee, claimed that the formal petition Natasha submitted on the sexual harrasment scandal was dead on arrival but  that is against the rule of natural justice.

At least she submitted it a record two times and it was twice rejected by the chamber. How could the Standing Rules of the Senate be so stringent that a female  lawmaker cannot ventilate her grievances but a male presiding officer could sit in judgement over his own case?

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After all said and done, one is tempted to believe that patriarchy,  male hegemony and male chauvinism may have worked against Natasha in this melodrama.

It is also possible that party affiliation and the rivalry that goes with it may have also been one of the factors at play. Akpabio, the man with the gavel belongs to the All Progressives Congress (APC) while Natasha belongs to the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), the main opposition party in the country.

Obviuisoy,  the Senate went on an  over- drive when it slammed a sux- month suoension on Natasha. Is Akpabio and his other colleagues not aware of court judgements that said the Senate or House of Representatives does  not have the powers to suspend a member of either of the chambers for more than two weeks?

The leadership of the Senate should know that by suspending Natasha for six months, it has automatically shut out the people of Kogi Central Senatorial District from the National Assembly for that period. It  unfair, undemocratic and a miscarriage of justice  which must not be allowed to stand in a civilised country. END

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*Charles Nwokedi, a public affairs analyst, wrote from Abuja.

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STRATEGIC AUTONOMY: NIGERIA’S DOCTRINE FOR SELF-DETERMINATION IN A MULTIPOLAR WORLD

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In an era defined by geopolitical competition, trade wars, sanctions regimes, and shifting alliances, one phrase has migrated from European policy papers to the heart of African diplomacy: “Strategic Autonomy”.

For Nigeria, this is not a new experiment in isolation, nor is it a nostalgic return to Cold War non-alignment. As I outlined in a recent address from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Abuja, it is something far more direct and more urgent.

Strategic autonomy is alignment to Nigerian national interest. Once you are clear in what constitutes your national interest, you align with those interests regardless of which party is at the receiving end. That is the foundation. I am aware of scholarly publications that was recently put together by the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs on the subject.

While the Ministry prepares the full concept note charting new fronts in a multi polar world, let me share the preliminary framework guiding Nigeria’s foreign policy under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

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Our goal is simple: to ensure that Nigeria, and by extension Africa, is not an object of geopolitics, but a subject that defines its own future.

What Strategic Autonomy means for Nigeria and Africa
Strategic autonomy is often misunderstood as withdrawal. It is the opposite. It is engagement on our terms. Today, Nigerian Foreign Policy has shifted. Gone is the era of reactive alignment. The Tinubu 4Ds agenda is anchored on strategies that are clearly designed to bring succor to Nigerians. The deliberate pursuit of Nigeria’s national interest across economic, security, technological, and diplomatic domains, without being locked into any single bloc. Nigeria’s strategic autonomy rests on 5 pillars in a world of continuous alignment. Together, they form the blueprint for how Nigeria engages a world that is no longer unipolar, but contested, transactional, and opportunity-rich.

NATIONAL INTEREST, NIGERIA FIRST 
Alignment to Nigerian national interest is the guiding rule. For Nigeria, Foreign Policy begins at home. Every treaty, partnership, and diplomatic gesture is measured against one question: does it deliver jobs, infrastructure, security, defence and dignity for Nigerians?

This principle was tested in the enforcement of the One China Policy. When diplomatic lines were blurred, the Ministry acted decisively: relocating trade missions from Abuja to Lagos, Nigeria’s commercial hub, and reaffirming that Nigeria speaks with one voice.  There is no room for diplomatic blunder in Nigeria. The message is clear: Nigeria will be a partner, not a pawn. Strategic autonomy means clarity of position first, and flexibility in tactics second.

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ECONOMIC DIVERSIFICATION 
AfCFTA + global partnerships like China’s zero-tariff access. Nigeria is done with aid-for-diplomacy. The new model is trade-for-growth. Under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, Nigeria is leveraging two levers simultaneously: 

1. Continental integration through the African Continental Free Trade Area, to build regional value chains. 

2. Global partnerships that open markets. China’s zero-tariff policy for eligible Nigerian exports is a case in point, creating new pathways for agriculture, manufacturing, and solid minerals to reach 1.4 billion consumers.

From the Lagos-Calabar coastal transport system to industrial parks in Ogun and Lekki, Chinese, European, and Gulf investments are being steered toward productive sectors. The goal is not dependency, but diversification: more partners, more markets, more Nigerian-made exports.

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SECURITY SOVEREIGNTY
African-led, but open to any partner that delivers results. Nigeria’s security doctrine is rooted in the principle that Africans must lead African solutions. ECOWAS, the AU, and regional counter-terrorism frameworks remain central.

But strategic autonomy also means pragmatism. On terrorism, maritime security in the Gulf of Guinea, and cyber threats, Nigeria is open to cooperation with any partner, East or West that brings intelligence, technology, and capacity without conditions that undermine sovereignty. The benchmark is simple: results for Nigerian communities. Partnerships are judged not by ideology, but by impact on the ground.

TECHNOLOGICAL AGENCY 
Build, don’t just buy. Lead in AI and digital infrastructure. The 21st century will be won on data, chips, and talent. Nigeria refuses to be only a consumer. This is the essence of Minister Bosun Tijjani’s reforms in our digital ecosystem.  Through partnerships in 5G, fiber optics, and smart cities, Nigeria is negotiating technology transfer, not just procurement. Engagement with the World Artificial Intelligence Organization and related partnerships signal intent: to move from adoption to authorship.

The aim is to build domestic capacity in AI, fintech, and digital governance, so that Nigerian developers, not just foreign vendors, shape the platforms used daily by 200 million Nigerians. Technological agency is sovereignty in the digital age.

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DIPLOMATIC FLEXIBILITY 
Engage all major powers without being locked into one camp. In a multipolar world, alignment is a choice made per issue, not per decade. Nigeria maintains a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership with China on infrastructure and more. It deepens trade and security ties with the US and EU. It expands South-South cooperation with India, Brazil, and the Gulf. It leads on the continent through AfCFTA and AU reform.

This is not non-alignment. It is multi-alignment: engaging all, belonging to none, and extracting maximum value for Nigeria from each relationship. Strategic autonomy is alignment to Nigerian national interests. Nigeria’s 5 Pillars offer more than a foreign policy. They offer a template for mid-sized and emerging powers navigating great power competition. It is a policy of conviction without rigidity. Of partnership without dependence. Of ambition without illusion.

Nigeria will continue to deepen partnerships that deliver infrastructure, jobs, and technology, but always on Nigerian terms. In 2026, the measure of sovereignty is not who you oppose. It is what you are able to build.

We can no longer afford an economy built only on exporting raw materials to one market and importing finished goods from another. The African Continental Free Trade Area gives us the platform to build regional value chains. At the same time, we must diversify globally. This is why we welcome China’s decision to grant zero-tariff treatment to 53 African countries, while we simultaneously deepen trade with the EU, the US, the Gulf, and our neighbors in ECOWAS. No single partner can meet all our development needs, and we will not be dependent on any one.

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The primary duty of any government is the protection of its citizens. That principle must guide our security partnerships. African-led solutions through the AU and ECOWAS remain our first choice. But we will not outsource our judgment. We greatly appreciate the US but if any country says he can help me to wipe out terrorism in Nigeria in the next two weeks, will I say because I’m friend to the US I will not agree? No,”. The safety of Nigerians comes first. Strategic autonomy means we evaluate every security offer by one metric: does it deliver peace, security and stability for our people?

In a multipolar world, we must talk to everyone and be forced to choose no one. This is not duplicity. It is maturity. We have demonstrated this in recent weeks. We condemned Afrophobic attacks in South Africa because the dignity of Nigerians abroad is non-negotiable. We pushed the agenda at the recent ECOWAS Summit in Freetown Sierra Leone where President Tinubu’s voice was clear and unambiguous. At the same time, we are preserving and strengthening the Nigeria-South Africa strategic partnership because both countries benefit from trade, investment, and regional leadership. That is strategic autonomy in practice.

The 4D Agenda meets a fragmenting World
The global shifts make this doctrine necessary today.  Today, we have multipolarity. The unipolar moment has passed. Power is diffused across Washington, Beijing, Brussels, New Delhi, Riyadh, and other capitals. Under President Tinubu’s 4D Foreign Policy Agenda: Demography, Development, Diaspora and Democracy — Nigeria’s diplomacy is calibrated to one question: what does this mean for Nigerian citizens? Ideological blocs are secondary to results.

Africa has 60% of the world’s youngest population. By 2050, one in four people on earth will be African.  Nigeria will be the third most populated country in the world by 2050. We cannot allow our future to be scripted by others. We must define our own development model, centered on jobs, skills, and innovation. In this context, some analysts have described our approach as “pragmatism devoid of doctrine.” I disagree.

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“I don’t agree with that kind of characterization. Everything foreign policy is about national interest,”.  What we are doing is giving that age-old principle a modern name and structure. We are drawing from our own history. As one of my lecturers at the University used to say, “ non-alignment is alignment to your national interest.” That remains true. Doctrine without delivery is rhetoric. For strategic autonomy to produce tangible benefits, Africa must take deliberate steps.

We must fully implement AfCFTA to unlock a $3.4 trillion single market. That means reducing tariffs, harmonizing standards, and building cross-border infrastructure. We must invest heavily in energy and infrastructure. No factory runs without power. No trade happens without roads, rail, and ports. Strategic autonomy requires industrial power.

Africa must speak with one voice in global forums — at the UN, G20, and WTO. Africa’s 54 countries carry more weight together than separately. It is time to protect and deepen democratic institutions. Autonomy should never be confused with authoritarianism. The legitimacy of our choices comes from the consent of our people.

Let me be clear. Strategic autonomy is not about turning our backs on partners. It is about choosing partners freely. It is the right to trade with anyone, learn from everyone, and be dominated by no one. The world is fragmenting into blocs. Africa’s best option is not to join a bloc, but to become a bloc ourselves — economically integrated, politically coherent, and diplomatically confident.

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Written by Ambassador Sola Enikanolaiye,
Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Federal Republic of Nigeria

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Bode George Still Angry Over His Failed PDP National Chairmanship Bid, No Regret Stopping Him – Wike

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The Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister, Nyesom Wike, has said that he had no regret Stopping Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) former Deputy National Chairman, Chief Bode George, from becoming the party National Chairman, saying; “his anger is because we didn’t allow him to be PDP National Chairman and no regret doing so.”

In a statement on Saturday, by his Senior Special Assistant on Public Communications and Social Media, Lere Olayinka, the FCT Minister said the political frustration of Bode George has further been compounded by the emergence of Deji Doherty, a personality he does not want to see as the one in charge of the party in Lagos State.

“He wanted to be PDP National Chairman, and was carrying on like the position was his birthright. We stopped him because it was the turn of the South-South. Since then, he has not stopped being angry.

“As a sitting governor, I visited his house in Maitama, Abuja, to appease him after the national convention, his wife attempted to walk me out, but for the intervention of former governor of Ondo state, Olusegun Mimiko,” the minister said.

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He described Bode George as a failed politician, who despite all the privileges and power has not won anything for the PDP in Lagos State since 1999, adding that “We have managed him even though we know that he has no value. But as it is, since he wants to keep dancing naked in the market place of politics, we can’t but allow him.”

The Minister reiterated that leadership of a political party is not by name, title or being a founding father. Rather, it is about what you are able to bring to the table in terms of winning elections, and in this regard, Bode George is a complete disaster.

“Even his Unit 001 in Ward E2, Evans Street, Lagos Island, he has never won for the PDP. In 2019 Presidential election, APC had 84 votes while PDP had 40. In the 2023 elections, he transferred his voter’s card to Eti Osa, PDP had four votes in his polling unit,” Wike said.

Wike said since it appeared that he (Bode George) is not busy, he will continue to make his likes busy by creating reason for them to jump from one television station to the other.

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Association of Medical, Dental Academics in Nigeria gives FG three week ultimatum or face strike

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The Nigerian Association of Medical and Dental Academics (NAMDA) has given the Federal Government a three-week extension to conclude negotiations over its outstanding demands, warning that failure to reach an agreement could trigger a three-day warning strike.

The association issued the ultimatum in a communiqué released to journalists in Uyo on Friday, following its Emergency National Executive Council (E-NEC) meeting.

The communiqué, endorsed by the President, Nosa Orhue, and the Acting Secretary-General, Aniekan Peter, said the extension would run until August 31, 2026.

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It stated, “A three-week timeline extension was adopted for a possible further consideration. E-NEC further resolved that the extension period should be utilised by government to resolve all outstanding issues.

“Failure to achieve meaningful resolution at the expiration of the period ending on the 31st of August 2026 shall result in the declaration of a three-day warning strike to be announced by NOC.”

NAMDA also directed all its branches nationwide to engage their members through congresses and sensitisation programmes at least twice during the extension period.

The branches are expected to submit evidence and reports of the mobilisation activities to the National Executive Council through the secretariat, indicating their level of preparedness for possible strike action.

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The association expressed concern over what it described as the government’s reluctance to conclude negotiations, while commending the Department of State Services (DSS) and other stakeholders for their interventions in the process.

NAMDA also appreciated its members for their patience and cooperation in maintaining stability within the university system.

The association further lamented the alleged neglect of medical education and training amid the shortage of medical and dental doctors and the increasing migration of professionals, popularly known as the “Japa” syndrome.

It reaffirmed its commitment to pursuing the full implementation of all approved benefits for medical and dental lecturers and urged its members to comply with all directives and decisions reached at the meeting.

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