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THE DANGEROUS DESCENT OF OGBAKHA EDO

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By DAN Osa-Ogbegie, Esq.

What I have just watched is not only disappointing; it is a complete betrayal of the very foundation upon which Ogbakha Edo was built.

We did not found Ogbakha Edo to become an appendage of any political party, nor a vehicle for advancing the narrow, selfish agenda of any individual disguised as regional interest. It was conceived as a non-partisan Benin socio-cultural platform, with the moral authority to speak truth across divides, in the mould of Afenifere, Arewa Consultative Forum, and Ohanaeze Ndigbo.

What we see now is a tragic descent into full-blown partisanship. A reckless statement threatening “consequences beyond the 2027 elections” over the internal processes of a political party is not only irresponsible; it is reprehensible. No socio-cultural body has any business issuing threats in the arena of party primaries. Such conduct should be condemned by every right-thinking person.

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More curious, and frankly more troubling, is this sudden moral outrage against the so-called “imposition” of a candidate. Since when did Ogbakha Edo discover that imposition is wrong? The selective indignation is as revealing as it is disappointing.

I recall vividly that the same voices now posturing as defenders of democratic purity were jubilant when the very individual they now purport to speak for was imposed on the All Progressives Congress in 2020. Not only did they celebrate it, they went further to support that project financially. Earlier still, he was imposed on the People’s Democratic Party in 2016.

What, then, has changed? Certainly not principle. What we are witnessing is not a principled stand against imposition, but a convenient reinvention of morality driven by present political interest.
This is not advocacy. It is hypocrisy—plain and unvarnished.

Just so we are clear, Ogbakha Edo has no capacity to threaten any political party. Such posturing is empty and, worse still, exposes the organisation to ridicule. What is being projected is not Benin interest, but the desperate ambition of one individual, clothed in borrowed legitimacy and masquerading as regional concern.

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This is not the Ogbakha Edo of our dreams. This is not the Ogbakha Edo we envisioned.

As a founding member, I speak from a position of authority and pain. I was unceremoniously removed from the platform in 2024 for holding a differing political view. That same intolerance, that same desperation, has now found expression in this ill-advised and embarrassing public outing.

I am particularly disappointed that Sam Guobadia, an emeritus Professor of Development Economics and Business, and former Vice Chancellor of a University, would allow himself to be used in this manner.

It must be clearly stated, however, that this intervention is not about any aspirant. It is not an endorsement of one, nor a rejection of another. It is not even about the All Progressives Congress or its primaries. It is about truth, correctness, integrity, and fidelity to purpose.

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Anything short of that is a distortion.

DAN Osa-Ogbegie, Esq.
Legal Practitioner and APC Member, Uhunmwode

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Opinion

Senate Rule Amendment: Why the debate should be about institutional stability, not personalities 

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By Rt Hon Eseme Eyiboh

The controversy surrounding the recent amendment to the Senate Standing Rules has generated more heat than light. Unfortunately, much of the public conversation has been framed around personalities rather than principles, and emotions rather than institutional logic. Yet the real issue before the Senate is neither about Senator Godswill Akpabio nor Senator Adams Oshiomhole. It is about whether legislative institutions should evolve, strengthen themselves, and create continuity mechanisms that deepen parliamentary stability.

Every serious institution in the world periodically reviews its rules, procedures, and qualifications in response to emerging realities. Legislatures are not exempted from this process of institutional self-correction and growth. In fact, the refusal to review procedures in the face of experience is often a sign of stagnation, not democracy.

The recent amendment requiring senators seeking certain presiding and principal offices to possess a minimum level of legislative experience should therefore be viewed through the broader prism of institutional development rather than through narrow political calculations.

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Parliamentary leadership is not merely ceremonial. The office of Senate President is one of the most sensitive and technically demanding constitutional offices in Nigeria. It requires not only political popularity but also deep familiarity with parliamentary traditions, legislative procedures, negotiation dynamics, committee systems, constitutional interpretation, and intergovernmental relations. Experience matters.

Around the world, mature legislatures often evolve unwritten and written traditions that favour institutional memory and legislative continuity. Such measures are not necessarily designed to exclude people; they are often intended to preserve stability, reduce avoidable turbulence, and ensure that those entrusted with managing highly sensitive parliamentary processes possess sufficient procedural grounding.

Critics who fear that experience requirements create a closed, self perpetuating oligarchy are not entirely without reason. Many legislatures have, at various points, used procedural thresholds to entrench incumbents rather than protect institutional wisdom. But the answer to that legitimate concern is not to abandon minimum standards altogether. It is to ensure that the bar is set at a reasonable, not prohibitive, level. A requirement of, say, one full term or demonstrated committee leadership is a safeguard against chaos, not a moat against renewal. The Senate must therefore commit to reviewing this threshold periodically, lest a tool of stability calcify into a ceiling on ambition.

Experience without openness becomes arrogance; openness without experience becomes amateurism. The amendment under scrutiny tilts toward the latter’s correction, but it must not be understood as a final word. What truly elevates an institution is not a single rule change but a culture that values both seasoned judgment and fresh perspective. That means pairing experience requirements with transparent mechanisms for advancement, seniority systems that reward competence, not mere longevity, and leadership elections that remain genuinely contested, not coronations.

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Seen from this perspective, the amendment is neither unusual nor inherently anti democratic. Rather, it reflects the Senate’s attempt to refine its internal processes based on accumulated experience.

It is therefore inaccurate to reduce the issue to the suggestion that the amendment was crafted merely to “shrink competition” or protect personal interests. Institutions do not become stronger by permanently freezing their rules in time. They grow by learning from experience and adjusting procedures where necessary to protect efficiency, order, and continuity.

Even more problematic is the argument suggesting that because the new qualification threshold did not exist when Senator Godswill Akpabio emerged as Senate President, he should now resign if the new rule is adopted. Such reasoning fundamentally misunderstands one of the oldest principles of jurisprudence and democratic governance: laws are generally prospective, not retroactive.

A law or rule takes effect from the point of enactment forward unless expressly stated otherwise. The amendment cannot logically invalidate a mandate that was legitimately acquired under previously existing rules. Senator Akpabio contested and emerged as Senate President under the constitutional and procedural framework that existed at the time. To argue otherwise would amount to applying today’s standards to yesterday’s circumstances, which is neither legally sustainable nor institutionally rational.

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Following that logic, every constitutional amendment would invalidate previous actions taken under earlier provisions, thereby throwing governance into perpetual instability.

What should matter now is whether the amendment serves the long term interest of the institution. That is the proper question, not whether it benefits or disadvantages any single individual in the immediate moment.

Interestingly, many of the world’s strongest democratic institutions evolved precisely through incremental procedural reforms. Rules governing tenure, committee leadership, succession, seniority, and qualification standards were not static from inception; they emerged through continuous refinement driven by practical governance realities.

It is also important to note that continuity in leadership structures is not necessarily an enemy of democracy. Stability can strengthen democracy when balanced with fairness and openness. A legislature perpetually trapped in leadership uncertainty, procedural inexperience, and internal volatility weakens not only itself but the democratic process as a whole.

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Every rule amendment asks the same underlying question: whom does the institution trust to lead it? When a legislature decides that a Senate President should have served a minimum period as a legislator, it is making a quiet but profound statement about the nature of political authority. It is saying that raw popularity or executive favour is not enough, that the stewardship of a co equal branch requires earned familiarity with its rhythms and restraints. That is not elitism. It is institutional self respect. And in a democracy, institutions that do not respect themselves are unlikely to be respected by the public they serve.

This is why the current debate should rise above personal disagreements or chamber theatrics. Nigerians expect lawmakers to approach institutional reforms with intellectual honesty and statesmanship rather than framing every procedural amendment through the lens of political rivalry.

Senator Adams Oshiomhole is entitled to his views, as every senator is. Debate is healthy in democracy. Dissent is legitimate. However, the conversation should be anchored on whether the amendment strengthens the Senate as an enduring institution, not whether it immediately advances or obstructs the ambitions of specific politicians.

Ultimately, institutions outlive individuals. Senate Presidents will come and go. Senators will rise and fall. But the rules and traditions established today may shape legislative stability for decades to come.

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That is why this matter deserves to be viewed not through the narrow window of self interest, but through the wider lens of institutional maturity, continuity, and the long term health of Nigeria’s parliamentary democracy.
Experience matters.

Rt Hon Eseme Eyiboh, mnipr, is a former member and spokesperson of the House of Representatives and currently Special Adviser on Media/Publicity and Official Spokesperson to the President of the Senate.

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Opinion

From Abuja to the World: The Insecurity Triad and Rise of the Independent African Scholar

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From Abuja to the World: The Insecurity Triad and Rise of the Independent African Scholar
 
By Max Amuchie
 
There are moments when an idea moves beyond commentary and begins entering systems.

The week that just ended was one of those moments.
Within the span of days, The Insecurity Triad experienced three separate but interconnected breakthroughs.

First came the Brussels intervention, last Sunday via an Op-ed piece in BusinessDay by hugely respected Collins Nweke, where the framework was interpreted within a European geopolitical context as an explanatory model for Sahel instability and its implications for Europe’s own strategic future.

Second came its consolidation into the global scholarly archive through repositories including Academia.edu, Harvard Dataverse, Zenodo, SSRN, OSF, and SocArXiv — six distinct platforms representing the full architecture of contemporary open-access scholarship.

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Then came a third development whose symbolism may ultimately prove just as significant: my integration into the ResearchGate ecosystem.

At first glance, this may appear procedural. Another profile. Another platform. Another account.

But within the architecture of global scholarship, ResearchGate represents something much larger than social networking.

It is one of the world’s largest academic visibility platforms — a digital meeting ground where researchers, scholars, institutions, laboratories, journals, policy specialists, and interdisciplinary thinkers interact within a continuously evolving scholarly network.

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To understand why this matters, one must first understand what ResearchGate actually represents in contemporary academic life.

What ResearchGate Really Is
Founded in 2008 by physicians Ijad Madisch and Sören Hofmayer alongside computer scientist Horst Fischbach, ResearchGate emerged as part of a broader transformation in global scholarship: the migration of academic visibility from closed institutional corridors into digital knowledge ecosystems.

Traditionally, scholarly recognition depended heavily on university affiliation, conference access, institutional journals, and physical academic networks.

ResearchGate altered part of that equation.

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With over 25 million researchers from 193 countries, it created a platform where research outputs, citations, working papers, datasets, methodological discussions, and scholarly engagement could circulate beyond the limits of geography and institutional hierarchy.

Today, researchers from universities, think-tanks, laboratories, policy institutes, and independent research environments use the platform to upload publications, track citations, share datasets, engage with disciplinary debates, connect with other scholars, and increase discoverability across fields.

In effect, ResearchGate functions as part archive, part visibility engine, and part intellectual networking infrastructure.

And visibility matters in scholarship.

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Because ideas do not influence debates merely by existing. They influence debates by becoming discoverable.

The Platforms and What They Represent
The repositories into which The Insecurity Triad has now been archived are not equivalent. Each represents a distinct layer of global scholarly infrastructure.
Academia.edu, with over 250 million registered users, is the world’s largest platform for academic sharing — the first point of entry into the global research conversation for many independent scholars.

Harvard Dataverse is an open-source repository operated by Harvard University, one of the most trusted and widely indexed academic archives in existence. A deposit there is not a symbolic gesture. It is a permanent record.

Zenodo, developed under the European OpenAIRE programme and operated by the European Council for Nuclear Research (CERN), assigns each deposit a Digital Object Identifier — a DOI — making it permanently citable in academic literature worldwide regardless of what happens to any journal or institution that might otherwise have hosted it.

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OSF — the Open Science Framework — developed by the US Centre for Open Science, supports the full research lifecycle from planning through archiving and dissemination. It has become a standard for researchers committed to transparency and reproducibility.

SocArXiv is a premier open-access repository designed to ensure that social science research is shared rapidly and transparently.

 It serves as a vital bridge between rigorous academic inquiry and the public interest.

 It was founded in 2016 by Philip N. Cohen, a distinguished Professor of Sociology at the University of Maryland, College Park with a vision to create a “knowledge commons” that returns power to the scholars themselves.

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And SSRN — the US-based Social Science Research Network, owned by Elsevier — is where social science scholarship enters the citation economy. With over one million papers and three million registered users, it is the platform through which working papers reach the global research community before and alongside formal peer review. It is also, notably, where Nobel Economics laureates Joseph Stiglitz, Esther Duflo, and Paul Krugman circulate their working papers — not because they are required to, but because that is where the serious readership is.

Together, these six platforms represent discovery, archiving, citation, networking, and dissemination. A coordinated presence across all six creates an unusually broad discoverability footprint for an independent scholar. For a scholar-journalist working from a newsroom in Abuja, it is extraordinary.

The Scholarly Series
Embedded within the developments of the week just ended is a commitment that deserves to be named directly.

Over the next twelve months, The Insecurity Triad will be developed into a ten-part scholarly series — engaging the framework, the Trinity of State Decay theory, and Sahel security dynamics in full academic register. Not as journalism. Not as commentary. As scholarship.

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Part One — The Insecurity Triad (Part 1): Foundations of Convergence and Rival Sovereignty — An Analysis of Money, Land, and Mind (MLM) — has already been published and archived across Academia.edu, Harvard Dataverse, Zenodo, OSF, and SocArXiv, with SSRN forthcoming.

That is the opening instalment of a structured, year-long intellectual undertaking. Nine parts remain.

Why Admission Matters for an Independent Scholar
This is where the significance of these developments becomes clear.

Admission into these global scholarly platforms from outside formal academia carries symbolic and structural weight because it challenges one of the oldest assumptions within global intellectual culture: that legitimate scholarship must originate exclusively from institutional spaces.

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For generations, the architecture of scholarship has largely been built around universities as gatekeepers of credibility.
The university conferred identity. The institution supplied legitimacy. The department validated intellectual existence.
But digital scholarly ecosystems are increasingly disrupting that monopoly.

An independent scholar operating from Abuja can now enter the same searchable research environment inhabited by professors in London, policy researchers in Brussels, doctoral candidates in Toronto, and analysts in Pretoria.
That does not erase institutional inequalities. But it narrows intellectual distance.

And that narrowing matters enormously for African thinkers working outside formal academic systems.

The African Reality of Intellectual Production
Across Africa, some of the continent’s most original analytical work often emerges under structurally difficult conditions.

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Many researchers operate without university grants, funded research assistants, subscription journal access, institutional methodological support, conference travel funding, or formal research laboratories.

Yet despite these constraints, important ideas continue to emerge.

This is partly because African intellectual production has historically developed through hybrid spaces: journalism, activism, policy observation, civil society, strategic commentary, and independent inquiry.

In many cases, African thinkers are forced to become researchers, archivists, editors, publishers, and distributors simultaneously.

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That reality makes entry into global scholarly ecosystems especially important.

Because platforms like Harvard Dataverse, SSRN, ResearchGate and others do more than host publications. They insert researchers into discoverability networks where their work can be found, cited, discussed, questioned, and expanded upon.

For an independent scholar, that visibility is not cosmetic. It is infrastructural.

The Insecurity Triad’s Expanding Scholarly Geography
Taken together, this sequence reveals the expanding geography of the framework’s circulation
The Insecurity Triad is no longer confined to one medium, one geography, or one intellectual ecosystem.

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It now exists simultaneously across media discourse, policy interpretation, repository preservation, and scholarly networking systems.

From Abuja’s grounded observation of insecurity dynamics, to Brussels’ geopolitical interpretation of Sahel instability, to integration within global repository and research infrastructures, the framework is beginning to circulate through multiple layers of international knowledge production.

That circulation matters because frameworks gain strength through repeated engagement across different environments.
Some will critique it. Others will refine it. Some may reject aspects of it. Others may adapt it to new contexts.

But circulation itself is the beginning of intellectual life.

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Beyond Personal Achievement
It is tempting to read these developments purely as personal achievement.

That would be too narrow.

What makes this moment significant is what it signals for African media institutions, independent scholars, and emerging researchers across the continent who operate outside traditional academic pathways.

It suggests that the global knowledge system — while still unequal — is becoming more permeable.

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An idea no longer needs to begin at Oxford, Harvard, or Sciences Po before it can enter international circulation.

It can begin in Abuja.

It can emerge from a newsroom. From a scholar-journalist’s research desk. From a media-backed analytical unit. From a self-funded intellectual project.

And if sufficiently coherent, persistent, and discoverable, it can travel.

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The Deeper Meaning of This Convergence
Perhaps the most important lesson of this moment is not institutional.

It is psychological.

For many African thinkers, the greatest barrier has often not been intelligence or originality, but proximity to recognised systems of validation.

The old model suggested: first secure institutional acceptance, then produce ideas.

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The emerging reality increasingly suggests the reverse: produce durable ideas, and institutions may eventually begin to engage them.

That is the quiet significance of last week.

From Brussels to ResearchGate, from repositories to scholarly circulation, The Insecurity Triad is beginning to move through systems that were historically difficult for independent African frameworks to enter.

Not as charity. Not as symbolic inclusion. But through interpretive engagement.

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And in the evolving geography of global scholarship, that distinction changes everything.

Interlude
In the last eight or nine weeks, this column has birthed The Insecurity Triad, defined its architecture, examined its dynamics, and from there developed the Trinity of State Decay theory. There is still much more to explore.

But next week, we step briefly away from the Triad and the Trinity to pay tribute to one of the outstanding intellectual giants of twentieth-century Africa.

Thirty years after his passing, Claude Ake remains profoundly missed.

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Trust Is Sacred. Stay seasoned.

•Dr. Max Amuchie is the CEO of Sundiata Post and architect of The Insecurity Triad Analytical Framework, and the Trinity of State Decay theory. He writes The Sunday Stew, a weekly syndicated column on faith, character, and the forces that shape society, with a focus on Nigeria and Africa in a global context.
X — @MaxAmuchie | Email: max.a@sundiatapost.com | Tel: +234(0)8053069436
 

 

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Opinion

At the helm of reform: Birthday reflections on Adebowale Adedokun, By Sufuyan Ojeifo

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Nigeria doesn’t lack policies. It lacks people who can make them stick. That’s where Dr. Adebowale A. Adedokun comes in.

Appointed Director-General of the Bureau of Public Procurement, BPP, in November 2024 by President Bola Tinubu, Adedokun isn’t an outsider parachuted in for optics. He’s been in the BPP since day one, rising from pioneer staff member to Director of Research, Training and Strategic Planning before taking the top job. Twenty-plus years inside the system means he knows exactly where the leaks are.

And he’s been plugging them.

-From insider to reformer-

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Adedokun holds a PhD in Procurement and Supply Chain Management plus four master’s degrees covering procurement, finance, technology, and transport. That mix of academic depth and hands-on experience is rare in public service.

Since taking charge, he’s pushed reforms that move beyond press releases. The BPP has overhauled Standard Bidding Documents to tighten transparency, rolled out a National Debarment Policy, launched Price Intelligence and Benchmarking Systems, and aggressively backed the Nigeria First Policy Framework to give local firms a real shot at public contracts.

-The numbers talk-

According to BPP reports, these changes saved the federal government over ₦1.1 trillion in 2025 alone. Tighter processes, less waste, stricter accountability.

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In a country where procurement has often been a pipeline for leakage, that’s not small.

Adedokun has also pushed MDAs to adopt e-submissions for better traceability and built capacity across ministries, departments, and agencies. He’s defended Nigeria’s procurement interests abroad too, earning the “Public Sector Reformer of the Year” nod in 2025.

-Steady, not flashy-

What stands out isn’t grandstanding. It’s consistency. Adedokun rose through the ranks, saw the system’s weak points firsthand, and chose to fix them rather than manage around them.

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Public procurement sits at the core of governance. It determines how roads, schools, and hospitals get built, and whether citizens trust the process. When it works, it drives development. When it doesn’t, cynicism grows.

The big question now is sustainability. Can these reforms outlast any single leader and become part of the institution’s DNA? Too early to call. But the early signals are solid.

As Adedokun marks his birthday, the message isn’t just celebration. It’s a reminder of how much heavy lifting public service demands. Nigeria needs more stewards who treat office as responsibility, not theatre.

Right now, the BPP looks like it has one.

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Happy Birthday [May 15], Dr. Adebowale A. Adedokun. The work continues. Measured, deliberate, and overdue.

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