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By Malachy Ukpong

The inauguration of the 2026 National Assembly Open Week by the President of the Senate, Senator Godswill Obot Akpabio, has generated widespread discussion among political stakeholders, governance experts, civil society organisations, members of the diplomatic community, students and ordinary Nigerians.

The initiative has been described by supporters as one of the 10th National Assembly’s most significant efforts to strengthen the relationship between Parliament and the Nigerian people by promoting transparency, public participation and legislative accountability.Across many established democracies, parliamentary open days or open weeks serve as platforms for citizens to better understand how the legislature functions.

Such initiatives allow the public to interact directly with lawmakers, observe parliamentary processes, participate in policy discussions and appreciate the constitutional responsibilities of the legislative arm of government. The National Assembly Open Week seeks to domesticate this democratic culture by opening the doors of Nigeria’s Parliament to wider public engagement.For many Nigerians, the National Assembly has often appeared distant from the people it represents, with legislative activities largely viewed through media reports and political debates.

The Open Week initiative therefore attempts to reduce this perceived distance by creating opportunities for citizens to engage lawmakers directly, ask questions about legislative priorities, understand the processes behind lawmaking and appreciate the oversight and representation functions assigned to the legislature under the Constitution.The programme also reflects an effort by the leadership of the 10th National Assembly to strengthen institutional transparency.

During the Open Week, committees, principal officers and lawmakers showcase legislative activities, explain bills under consideration, provide updates on constituency initiatives and discuss ongoing constitutional and policy reforms.

Such engagements offer citizens the opportunity to better understand how legislation is developed, how oversight responsibilities are carried out and how public resources appropriated by the National Assembly are intended to support national development.Supporters of the initiative argue that transparency is an essential ingredient of democratic governance. When citizens have greater access to information about parliamentary proceedings and decision-making processes, they are better positioned to hold elected representatives accountable.

Public engagement also enables lawmakers to receive direct feedback from the people whose interests they represent, thereby improving the quality of legislation and strengthening public confidence in democratic institutions.Another major objective of the National Assembly Open Week is to promote inclusive governance.

Throughout the programme, stakeholders from different sectors—including traditional rulers, civil society organisations, professional associations, women’s groups, youth organisations, labour unions, faith-based organisations, persons with disabilities, students, development partners and the media—are encouraged to participate in discussions on issues affecting national development.The emphasis on inclusion reflects the position consistently expressed by Senate President Akpabio that democratic governance should accommodate diverse perspectives and ensure that every segment of society has an opportunity to contribute to national policymaking.

According to him, Parliament is not designed to isolate itself from the people but to provide a constitutional platform where differing opinions can be debated, competing interests reconciled and national consensus built.

The Open Week also provides an opportunity to discuss ongoing constitutional amendment proposals before the National Assembly. Among the issues attracting significant public interest are electoral reforms, judicial reforms, local government administration, fiscal federalism, devolution of powers, the proposal for the establishment of state police and measures aimed at improving the participation of women and persons with disabilities in governance. Public conversations during the Open Week allow stakeholders to present memoranda, share expert opinions and contribute ideas that may assist lawmakers during legislative deliberations.One proposal that has received considerable attention is the Special Seats Bill, which seeks to create additional legislative seats reserved for women in the National Assembly and State Houses of Assembly as a temporary affirmative action measure.

Advocates argue that the proposal could help address the persistent underrepresentation of women in elective offices and strengthen gender inclusion in Nigeria’s democratic process.

Discussions during the Open Week provide another avenue for citizens and advocacy groups to express support, raise concerns or make recommendations regarding such constitutional proposals.

The initiative equally strengthens collaboration between Parliament and other arms of government without diminishing the constitutional principle of separation of powers. By creating opportunities for dialogue among legislators, government institutions, development partners and members of the public, the Open Week encourages broader consultation before major legislative decisions are taken. Such engagement has the potential to improve policy implementation by ensuring that laws are informed by practical realities and stakeholder input.Beyond policy discussions, the National Assembly Open Week serves an important civic education function. Many young Nigerians have limited understanding of how bills become law, the oversight responsibilities of legislative committees or the representative duties of elected lawmakers.

Through guided tours, interactive sessions, exhibitions and public lectures, participants gain firsthand knowledge of parliamentary procedures and democratic governance, helping to build a more informed and politically engaged citizenry.At the inauguration of the 2026 National Assembly Open Week, Senate President Godswill Akpabio emphasised the importance of listening to citizens as a foundation for effective governance. He stated: “A Parliament that listens becomes wiser. A democracy that listens becomes stronger.”

The remark underscores the broader objective of the initiative—to promote dialogue, encourage citizen participation and strengthen democratic accountability.Ultimately, the success of the National Assembly Open Week will be measured not merely by attendance or public interest during the event, but by its long-term impact on legislative openness, public trust and citizen participation in governance. If sustained and continuously improved, the initiative could contribute significantly to making Nigeria’s Parliament more transparent, more accessible and more responsive to the aspirations of the people it serves.The National Assembly Open Week therefore represents an important opportunity to deepen democratic engagement by fostering dialogue between elected representatives and citizens. Whether viewed as a transparency initiative, a civic education programme or a platform for inclusive governance, its enduring value will depend on the extent to which it strengthens public confidence in the legislative institution and encourages meaningful participation in Nigeria’s democratic process.

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BY NDAGI BELLO EL’SUDI

Lately, the Chartered Institute of Purchasing and Supply Management of Nigeria, (CIPSMN), the umbrella body of practicing and aspiring practitioners has been in the news. Sadly, for the wrong reasons. Somehow, this position has been further strengthened by the generality of those in the profession and technocrats in other related sectors. Presidential censure on the CIPSMN’s (Establishment ) Amendment Bill has not only drawn public attention, but also generated commentaries from respected members of the constituency. Further, it has led to widespread criticisms and condemnation of the “arrowheads” of the CIPSMN’s moves – described as a non-ingenious attempt to assume a position it does not deserve, by law. According to reports, President Bola Tinubu withheld assent to the Bill for some pertinent reasons which bothers on legal issues, ethics, and operations.

From media reports, President Tinubu declined assent to the Bill because some of the amendments sought were full of irregularities and illogicalities. This includes – seeking to give the Institute powers beyond its statutory mandate; attempting to foist itself as the Regulator; seeking to be empowered to exercise control over inspection of organizations, sanction employers, and assume compliance functions over entities and companies; seeking some other powers which clearly exceeds the Institute’s scope. Others are the phony insertions of new sub-clauses which seeks to confer powers and control on the Institute which are clearly beyond its brief; seeking subtle control of incorporated entities and organizations in the appointment of Head(s) of Procurement, and other related activities.

Indeed, there are empirical reports that the Bill, at different stages of legislative inquisition, and other attempts by promoters of the hideous plot had suffered several thumbs-down by relevant agencies and stakeholders in 2007, 2024, and 2025. Serially, many of the amendments sought were roundly defeated with convincing, logical, and legal submissions. This includes Section 1(c) which conflicts directly with Section 5(k) of the Public Procurement Act (PPA) 2007, which gives powers on training, education, and examination of procurement professionals to the Bureau of Public Procurement, (BPP) – and is already doing it; Section 12 will bring it in conflict with global standards, and also the provisions of the PPA. Among other things, the CIPSMN is accused of trying to undermine existing laws through institutional over-reach; attempting to cause institutional overlap; attempting to breed regulatory confusion and legal conflict.

Somehow, this latest development has brought to the fore, the CIPSMN’s ‘leadership’ beef with the BPP. The Bill, which from inquiries does not have the blessings of the majority of members, has been on the works since 2007. A major stakeholder who pleaded anonymity confessed that, “honestly, I didn’t know that the ‘owners’ of CIPSMN are still bent on their selfish and immoral agenda of forcefully taken over procurement activities in Nigeria, and pigeon-hole professionals.” A senior official in a federal government agency declared that, “one wonders why these persons are being too difficult and mischievous. Why are they resolute in destroying and derailing the harmonious working relationships between the BPP and professionals? It is time they drop these machiavellian tactics and embrace meaningful collaboration for national growth, and personal development of members.”

Some stakeholders are at a loss about the fierce-grip and authocratic control of the ‘officials’ over CIPSMN. Further checks reveal shocking discoveries that demand immediate attention by relevant agencies. As presently constituted, though the Institute has a Governing Council – which includes Ministries of Investment, Trade & Industry; Education; and Finance, the Council have not met for years. The Institute has been under the control and manipulation of two individuals for about 20 years; who are reportedly cousins – they both function interchangeably as President or Registrar, and Secretary or Head of Secretariat or National Coordinator. A member of the Institute in one of the Federal Ministries who craved anonymity lamented that, “the men operate like the lord of the manor as they take unilateral decisions at all times. The Institute’s account has never been published, and there has never been any attempt to interpret the CIPSMN Act since 2007 – which are flagrant disobedience.”

Ideally, the Legislature being the fulcrum of democratic governance ought to be thorough, detailed, and diligent in the enactment and amendment of any Bill or Act. The scale and speed of the passage of the Bill gives serious concerns. How did the contentious Bill, with numerous obnoxious amendments pass through the legislative binoculars of our resourceful lawmakers? Why would the Senate and House give the go-ahead for presidential assent to a Bill which encumbered subsisting Act of the Legislature? Why the haste and rush? One believes that since the Legislature is the bedrock of meaningful reform policy and process, lawmakers should do their best to ensure that clear, cogent, and coherent legal frameworks are provided – wholly, without ambiguities to agencies involved. The agencies should enjoy some legislative protections – where legally possible – towards ensuring that no other agency or entity encroaches or breaches the Act establishing and guiding responsibilities. Pity, the reverse happened.

Prior to Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999, there were procedural errors, operational defects, and bureaucratic infractions in public procurement expenditures. It was bad and battered. Successive administrations made efforts to tinker with the systems for improvement. This led to the enactment of the Public Procurement Act (PPA) 2007, which empowered the BPP to harmonize, set standards and guidelines towards ensuring professionalism in public procurement. Also, the Bureau is given regulatory authority for monitoring and oversight of public procurement; ensuring transparency, competition, and value for money in government contracting. In addition, it has responsibilities to regulate and strengthen Nigeria’s procurement governance; advancing ethical standards, and institutional integrity of the public procurement system; ensuring professional regulation through certification and licensing of federal procurements; upgrading procurement processes towards meeting global standards.

Since its establishment in 2007, the BPP has undergone various stages of evolution, particularly in the last two years. Under the leadership of Dr. Adebowale Adedokun, it has emplaced necessary templates for improving and deepening public procurement. The BPP has been a strategic institution in driving meaningful infrastructural development, sectoral transformation, economic growth, and national development through transparency, probity, and corporate governance. Leveraging on the political will provided by President Bola Tinubu, the BPP has posted many milestones. This includes saving the country over N200 bn, $155m, €1.7m through its upgraded Nigeria Open Contracting Portal (NOCOPO); domestication of and efficient procurement policies in public service in conformity with best global practices; effective and results-yielding procurement processes through its collaboration with the World Bank, European Union, and other development partners.

Others are barment policy and sanctions on contractors for shoddy and low quality jobs; fostered bid cycles, reduced leakages and waste expenditures, and improved public access to contract data through its Digital Transformation & Transparency Policy, Nigeria E-Market, e-government procurement system, and other IT-based platforms; emplaced procurement policies which gives preference or access to disadvantaged groups; ensuring the participation of marginalized groups in public contract opportunities; strengthening inclusive growth in conformity with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Conscious of the important roles of Permanent Secretaries, (PS) – as the chief accounting officers in Federal Ministries in the procurement circle, the BPP revived – after 4 years stoppage – the National Retreat for PS, and also improved its scope, contents and objectives.

The programme was held in Uyo, and attended by virtually all the PS, and other very senior officials in MDAs, as well as some top officials of the Akwa Ibom State Government. The testimonials of some of the participants confirmed that the Retreat was hugely successful. Pleading anonymity, one confessed that, “this programme was an eye-opener to many of us who never knew that such synergy is absolutely necessary to positively drive the Renewed Hope Agenda of President Bola Tinubu.” A colleague declared, “before now, I never knew that the BPP is doing so much for national development…I now realize that MDAs and the Bureau must be in sync towards ensuring meaningful growth and development.” While corroborating, another participant advised that, “the Retreat should be more regular for maximum results, also, the BPP should expand the scope of participation to the sub-national government – States, this would percolate the benefits of effective public procurements across the country.”

Back to the CIPSMN Bill. Having done a holistic review and comprehensive studies on the matter, it is imperative for the Institute to focus on its core mandate and not embark on a wild goose chase. Public Procurement is beyond P & S. Wondering the intentions of the promoters of the Bill, a management staff in the private sector who pleaded anonymity commended, “President Tinubu for withholding assent, because if he did, it would have destroyed the gains recorded by his government; through BPP in project deliveries, derailed the huge foreign direct investment coming to Nigeria, and sour the integrity of our corporate governance structures because the Bill negates all known professional ethics practices in the world.”

In many ways, the Bill – as coupled by the purveyors has exposed their insidious, knavish, and invertebrate penchant for influence-peddling, power-hunger, and attention-seeking. Spineless and wishy-washy, it is an agglomeration of recalcitrant miscalculations, conjured misinformation, and calculated mischief which deserves a festoon of sarcasm, self-deception, and perdition. Another stakeholder was unequivocal, “in fact, the Bill should be completely repealed and buried to put finality to the intransigence of two individuals whose actions are causing unnecessary tensions and overheat in the procurement sector, that may affect the pace of achievements recorded by the government – if not checked immediately.” Perhaps this counsel may be instructive!

* NDAGI BELLO EL’SUDI, a Public Policy Analyst based in Abuja.

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By Max Amuchie | The Sunday Stew

In the 7 June 2026 article which marked the formal unveiling of the Decoupling Sovereignty Index (DSI), I articulated a defining institutional proposition. The launch of the DSI was presented not merely as the introduction of a new analytical instrument, but as another milestone in the evolution of Sundiata Post into what I described as a dual engine architectural powerhouse. That statement marked an important transition. It signalled that Sundiata Post was no longer to be understood solely as a digital news platform, but as an institution consciously integrating journalism, strategic intelligence and scholarly research within a single operational framework.

The proposition advanced on that occasion was straightforward. On the front end, Sundiata Post would continue to function as a digital-first, high-velocity news organisation, reporting events, investigating public issues, analysing developments and informing citizens through timely, credible journalism. On the back end, the Sundiata Post Intelligence Unit (SPIU) would operate as a proprietary knowledge engine, generating original research, developing analytical frameworks, curating datasets, publishing working papers and preserving institutional knowledge through globally recognised scholarly repositories.
This series develops that proposition into a formal institutional architecture.

The first part in this series argued that the newsroom of the twenty-first century must evolve beyond the production of daily news to become a knowledge institution. The second situated that proposition within a broader intellectual tradition, demonstrating through the works of Walter Lippmann, Hannah Arendt, Nnamdi Azikiwe and Obafemi Awolowo that journalism has historically served not merely as a conveyor of information but as a builder of public reason, democratic culture and national development.

Having established the philosophical foundations, we now turn to the question of institutional design. Every enduring institution requires more than a compelling vision; it requires an architecture capable of translating principles into sustained practice. Ideas alone do not create institutions. Institutions endure because they are deliberately designed to produce consistent outcomes, preserve organisational memory, adapt to changing environments and outlive their founders.

The Sundiata Post Model is therefore built upon what I call the Dual Engine Architecture. Simply stated, the Dual Engine Architecture is an institutional design in which a Media Operations Engine generates public value through journalism while a Knowledge Operations Engine transforms that journalistic enterprise into a permanent system of knowledge production.

The first engine is the Media Operations Engine—the visible newsroom that performs the essential functions of journalism through reporting, verification, investigation, editing, publication and audience engagement. The second is the Knowledge Operations Engine—the institutional infrastructure through which research is conducted, theories are formulated, datasets are curated, policy knowledge is generated and intellectual assets are systematically preserved.

These engines are neither parallel organisations nor competing departments. They are interdependent components of a single institutional system. Journalism supplies the observations, evidence and questions that shape the research agenda. Research, in turn, enriches journalism with deeper context, analytical rigour and conceptual innovation. The output of one continuously strengthens the other, creating an institutional intelligence cycle in which news informs knowledge and knowledge improves news.

The significance of this architecture extends beyond Sundiata Post itself. It offers a framework for reimagining the modern newsroom in an era defined by rapid technological change, information overload and declining public trust. Rather than treating journalism as a transient response to the daily news cycle, the Dual Engine Architecture positions the newsroom as the public-facing component of a broader knowledge enterprise—one that simultaneously informs the present, preserves the past and contributes original ideas to the future.

The Media Operations Engine
The first pillar of the Sundiata Post Model is the Media Operations Engine. This is the institution’s public-facing operational system—the visible enterprise through which Sundiata Post fulfils its journalistic, commercial and public engagement responsibilities. It represents the front end of the organisation, integrating editorial excellence with audience development, revenue generation and public-facing institutional activities.

At its core, the Media Operations Engine performs the traditional functions of a professional news organisation. It identifies stories of public importance, deploys reporters to the field, verifies facts through rigorous editorial procedures, produces multimedia content, provides analysis and commentary, and disseminates information across digital platforms. These activities remain the foundation of the institution’s commitment to informing society accurately, independently and responsibly.

Beyond the newsroom, however, the Media Operations Engine encompasses the broader business of media. It includes advertising and brand partnerships, digital marketing, audience growth strategies, subscription and membership initiatives where applicable, commercial publishing, multimedia production, and other revenue-generating activities necessary to sustain editorial independence. Within the Sundiata Post Model, commercial operations are not peripheral to journalism; they are carefully managed institutional functions that provide the financial capacity required for long-term public-interest reporting and knowledge production.

The engine also extends the institution’s public engagement beyond daily news publishing. Conferences, annual lectures, policy dialogues, public forums, media masterclasses, leadership summits and other convening platforms become integral components of the media enterprise. These engagements transform the organisation from a publisher of information into a convener of ideas, creating spaces where journalists, scholars, policymakers, business leaders and citizens can deliberate on issues of national and continental importance. In doing so, the Media Operations Engine strengthens the institution’s civic presence while simultaneously generating new networks, partnerships and editorial opportunities.

Within the Sundiata Post Model, the Media Operations Engine performs an additional function that distinguishes it from conventional news organisations. It serves as the institution’s principal observational system. Every news report, investigative assignment, interview, audience interaction, conference discussion and field observation constitutes more than a discrete media product. Collectively, they generate the empirical evidence, public conversations and emerging questions that feed the institution’s knowledge infrastructure.

In many conventional media organisations, these valuable intellectual assets dissipate with the passing of the news cycle. The Sundiata Post Model rejects this linear conception of journalism. Instead, every verified report, public engagement and editorial initiative is regarded as a potential contribution to a cumulative institutional intelligence system.

Accordingly, the Media Operations Engine performs four interconnected functions. First, it informs the public through credible journalism. Second, it sustains the institution through commercially responsible media operations. Third, it convenes society by creating platforms for dialogue, learning and policy engagement. Fourth, it continuously generates the empirical observations and strategic questions that become the raw material for the Knowledge Operations Engine.
The Media Operations Engine is therefore far more than a newsroom. It is the institution’s interface with society—observing events, engaging audiences, building relationships, generating revenue and producing the empirical foundation upon which the Sundiata Post Model’s broader knowledge enterprise is constructed.

The Knowledge Operations Engine
If the Media Operations Engine is the public face of the Sundiata Post Model, the Knowledge Operations Engine is its intellectual core. It is the institutional infrastructure through which information is transformed into knowledge, knowledge into analytical frameworks, and analytical frameworks into enduring intellectual assets. While the front end responds to the immediacy of events, the back end seeks to understand their underlying structures, causes and long-term implications.

The Knowledge Operations Engine is anchored by the Sundiata Post Intelligence Unit (SPIU), which serves as the institution’s research and strategic intelligence hub. It is responsible for designing and executing research programmes, developing original concepts and theories, constructing analytical indices, curating datasets, producing policy papers, publishing working papers and peer-reviewed scholarship, maintaining institutional standards for methodology, research quality and knowledge governance, and preserving institutional knowledge through globally recognised academic repositories.

In this architecture, research is not an adjunct to journalism but an integral institutional function.

Unlike conventional newsroom research desks, whose work is often confined to supporting daily editorial production, the Knowledge Operations Engine pursues an independent programme of knowledge creation. It identifies recurring patterns across time, interrogates complex governance and security challenges, develops explanatory models, and subjects those models to empirical testing. The objective is not merely to explain individual events but to contribute original intellectual frameworks capable of advancing scholarly and policy debates.

The engine is also responsible for the stewardship of institutional memory. Research datasets, methodological notes, interview archives, conceptual papers, technical documentation and analytical outputs are systematically organised, preserved and made retrievable. Rather than allowing institutional knowledge to disappear with personnel changes or the passing of the news cycle, the Sundiata Post Model treats these materials as strategic assets that accumulate value over time. This commitment to preservation transforms the institution from a producer of content into a custodian of knowledge.

A defining characteristic of the Knowledge Operations Engine is its commitment to openness and scholarly engagement. Where appropriate, research outputs are deposited in recognised academic repositories, enabling scrutiny, replication, citation and further development by the global research community. By exposing its analytical frameworks and datasets to independent examination, the institution embraces the principle that durable knowledge grows stronger through critical evaluation rather than institutional isolation.

The Knowledge Operations Engine therefore performs four interconnected functions. First, it converts empirical observations into structured knowledge through rigorous research and analysis. Second, it generates original intellectual products—including theories, indices, policy frameworks and methodological innovations—that extend beyond the immediate demands of journalism. Third, it preserves and manages the institution’s intellectual capital as a permanent strategic resource. Fourth, it projects African or Global South scholarship into global academic and policy ecosystems, ensuring that ideas developed within the newsroom contribute to international conversations on governance, security, development and media innovation.

The Knowledge Operations Engine is therefore not simply a research department. It is the institutional mechanism through which journalism acquires permanence, evidence is transformed into understanding, and a media organisation evolves into a knowledge-producing institution. Together with the Media Operations Engine, it completes the Dual Engine Architecture that lies at the heart of the Sundiata Post Model.

If the preceding sections explain how the Sundiata Post Model works, an equally important question remains: Is this architecture unique to Sundiata Post, or can it become a framework for journalism more broadly?

Beyond Sundiata Post
The Sundiata Post Model is proposed as a universal institutional framework for twenty-first-century journalism. Although it originated within Sundiata Post, it is not conceived as an organisation-specific model. Rather, it offers a general institutional architecture that can be adapted by news organisations operating in diverse economic, technological, political and cultural environments.

In this formulation, Sundiata Post is not the model; it is the founding implementation and proof of concept—a living institutional demonstration that such an architecture is both practicable and sustainable. The relationship is similar to the Toyota Production System, which began inside a single company but evolved into a global management framework adopted by organisations far beyond the automotive industry. Likewise, the Sundiata Post Model is intended to transcend the organisation in which it was first developed.

Its long-term significance will therefore be determined not solely by its success at Sundiata Post, but by its capacity to be tested, adapted, replicated and refined by media organisations across different societies. The true measure of any institutional model is not that it works for its originator, but that it enables others to build stronger institutions of their own. If the Sundiata Post Model ultimately proves capable of helping news organisations across Africa, the Global South and beyond become enduring knowledge institutions, then its greatest contribution will not be what it achieved for Sundiata Post, but what it made possible for journalism itself.

Trust is sacred. Stay seasoned.

•Dr. Max Amuchie is a Scholar-Journalist, Media CEO, Lead Researcher at the Sundiata Post Intelligence Unit (SPIU), and an Expert Member and Peer Reviewer at ScienceOpen. He is the architect of The Insecurity Triad framework for African security analysis as well as the Trinity of Sovereignty Decay (formerly Trinity of State Decay) theory, and the Decoupling Sovereignty Index (DSI)—original frameworks for understanding, categorising, and measuring conflict, state decay, and sovereignty in the Global South.
X: @MaxAmuchie | Email: [email protected]