News
Top army officer confesses on why he planned coup against TInubu, identifies officers involved
Nigerian Army Colonel Mohammed Ma’aji has revealed why he became involved in an alleged plot to overthrow President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s government.
He cited insecurity, corruption, economic hardship and concerns about the welfare of military personnel as the reason for the coup plot.
Fresh court documents reviewed by PREMIUM TIMES showed how the alleged plan was discussed, funded and later revived before security agencies disrupted it in September 2025.
Ma’aji is among several serving military officers currently facing proceedings before a General Court Martial over the alleged plot.
Six retired military personnel and civilians are also being prosecuted separately at the Federal High Court in Abuja.
All the defendants have denied wrongdoing.Geographic Reference
In a statement attributed to Ma’aji during interrogation, he said discussions about military intervention began in 2023, towards the end of former President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration.
He said the discussions were driven by concerns about the worsening security situation, corruption, poor governance and the growing economic difficulties facing Nigerians.
Ma’aji said he and others believed the country was heading towards a dangerous situation and began identifying military officers who shared their concerns about the state of the nation.
According to his account, the initial plan did not progress because the group lacked sufficient funds, manpower and logistics.
He claimed that he personally financed many of the activities by selling some of his properties and receiving contributions from some members.
He reportedly sold three houses in Kaduna State and a student hostel at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, to raise money for activities linked to the group.
The alleged movement was later revived after Ma’aji failed to secure promotion to brigadier general for the second time in 2024.
He said some officers contacted him after the failed promotion and urged him to bring back the plan.
Lieutenant Colonel Shamsuddeen Bappah was identified as one of those who allegedly pushed for the revival.
The documents said Bappah travelled from Ibadan to Abuja to meet Ma’aji and discuss the matter.
He was also said to have considered selling a plot of land in Bauchi to raise funds, although the property was reportedly not sold.
Following the revival, meetings were allegedly held at different locations in Abuja, including Brookville Hotel and Greenland Hotel in Lokogoma.
Ma’aji said the meetings involved some of the officers who had been part of the earlier discussions, while additional people were also introduced.
He, however, denied that his failed promotion was the main reason behind the alleged plan.
Instead, he pointed to several national policies and problems, including fuel subsidy removal, naira reforms, taxation, electricity tariffs, corruption and insecurity.
He also referred to the #EndSARS and #EndBadGovernance protests, saying the demonstrations showed the level of frustration among many Nigerians over unemployment, economic hardship and poor living conditions.
The colonel also raised concerns about the welfare of members of the armed forces. He complained about military salaries, the treatment of wounded soldiers, housing, healthcare and the condition of retired personnel.
He said he was particularly troubled by the situation of soldiers who sustained injuries during operations and were allegedly left without adequate support.
The documents further revealed allegations that the group attempted to recruit more officers, soldiers and civilians.
Some individuals were reportedly contacted through existing relationships, while meetings were used to discuss possible roles within the alleged movement.
Ma’aji also spoke about an alleged proposal to mobilise members of the Civilian Joint Task Force from the North-East.
He said the idea was to bring personnel to Abuja, although the plan was not fully developed.
He maintained that there was no fixed date for the alleged coup because the group was still trying to obtain more resources and recruit additional personnel.
According to his account, the alleged operation was expected to take place at night and involved plans to place some senior military officials under arrest.
However, he said the preparations had not reached the point of execution when security agencies intervened.
Ma’aji named several serving and retired officers while discussing the alleged movement.
He also denied the involvement of some people mentioned in the investigation and said certain officers had only been informed about the discussions.
The alleged plot came under security investigation after Ma’aji was arrested on September 29, 2025, shortly before the Federal Government cancelled the October 1 Independence Day parade.
He was subsequently interrogated between October 18, 2025, and February 19, 2026, according to the records cited in the investigation.
The Defence Headquarters initially described the detention of the officers as an internal process aimed at maintaining discipline within the military.
It later confirmed that an alleged plot had been uncovered and said officers found culpable would face military judicial proceedings.
By February, about 40 serving and retired military personnel, police officers and civilians had reportedly been arrested or questioned in connection with the investigation.
In April, the Federal Government filed 13 charges against six defendants at the Federal High Court in Abuja.
Those charged include retired Major-General Mohammed Ibrahim Gana, retired Navy Captain Erasmus Ochegobia Victor, Police Inspector Ahmed Ibrahim, Presidential Villa electrician Zekeri Umoru, Bukar Kashim Goni and Islamic cleric Abdulkadir Sani.
Several serving officers, including Ma’aji, are facing separate court-martial proceedings.
The admissibility of statements obtained during the investigation has also become an issue in the cases.
Some defendants have challenged the statements attributed to them, arguing that they were not made voluntarily.
The prosecution has rejected the claims and maintained that the proper procedures were followed.
The court consequently ordered a trial-within-trial to determine whether the disputed statements were made voluntarily before deciding whether they could be used as evidence.
Meanwhile, former Bayelsa State governor Timipre Sylva has denied allegations that he financed the alleged plot.
Sylva, who served as Minister of State for Petroleum Resources under Buhari, said through his spokesperson that he had no involvement in planning or providing logistics for any coup attempt.
Five people linked to him are facing separate charges over allegations that they concealed his whereabouts, while nine properties associated with him are under an interim forfeiture order.
The allegations contained in Ma’aji’s statement remain subject to judicial proceedings, and the defendants are presumed innocent until proven guilty by the courts.
The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has constituted a team to investigate individuals named in alleged questionable dealings linked to the Mambilla Hydroelectric Power Project, following a recent ruling by the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) in Paris, France, in favour of Nigeria.
Sources familiar with the development told Premium Times that the investigative team is being supervised by the Chairman of the EFCC, Ola Olukoyede.
The investigation comes days after the ICC tribunal dismissed major claims brought before it by Sunrise Power and Transmission Company Limited against Nigeria over the 3,960-megawatt Mambilla Hydroelectric Power Project in Taraba State.
The company had made a claim against the Federal Republic of Nigeria, demanding $680 million as a settlement sum and interest in respect of another arbitration in which it is claiming over $2.7 billion in compensation and interest.
Delivering its verdict on Thursday, the tribunal directed Sunrise and its promoter to refund Nigeria’s legal fees of $11.8 million. It also rejected Sunrise’s claim for an order that Nigeria should pay the company $400 million in satisfaction of the settlement sum of $200 million and the default sum of $200 million.
The tribunal insisted that Leno Adesanya, the promoter of Sunrise, is bound by the arbitration agreement with Nigeria pursuant to the settlement agreement, adding that it has jurisdiction over Nigeria’s counterclaim against him and his firm.
According to sources, EFCC investigation will focus on individuals mentioned in the tribunal’s findings over payments and transactions that the panel described as raising concerns or ‘red flags.’
The tribunal revealed that many Nigerian politicians and individuals who held public offices were named as associates or officials who had dealings with Adesanya
The officials include former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, his then-wife Jennifer Douglas, Abubakar Malami, Olu Agunloye, Sambo Dasuki, his son Abubakar Dasuki, Abdullahi Yola, and Dere Awosika.
Malami, a former Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF), was severely criticised by the tribunal for acting against Nigeria’s national interest. He was accused of maintaining an “inappropriate relationship” with Adesanya, and entering into a corrupt deal. Already, Mr Malami is facing trial after the EFCC accused him, his wife, and son of conspiring to conceal, disguise and retain about N8.7 billion proceeds of unlawful activities.
Atiku, former vice president of Nigeria, was named by the tribunal in its review of a $500,000 payment made by Adesanya on 30 January 2003 from the Swiss bank account of his offshore company, China Castle Investments Ltd, to a US bank account belonging to Ms Douglas, Atiku’s ex-wife.
The payment was made less than four months before the Mambilla BOT contract was purportedly awarded to Sunrise by then Minister of Power and Steel, Olu Agunloye. Mr Adesanya told the tribunal that the money was part of a foreign-exchange transaction carried out for Atiku through his bureau de change business.
But the tribunal said that the explanation was not supported by documentary evidence. It said Adesanya did not produce records showing the underlying naira payment, the exchange rate applied, instructions from Atiku or his aides, correspondence concerning the transaction or documentation establishing its commercial purpose.
The tribunal also noted that neither Atiku nor Ms Douglas provided a witness statement or declaration supporting the explanation.
It noted that Atiku had led a Nigerian government delegation to Beijing in July 2002, which included Adesanya, during which the Nigerian government and the Chinese state-owned NCPEC signed a memorandum of understanding covering, among other projects, the Mambilla project.
However, Atiku has denied being indicted by the tribunal and said he was not responsible for awarding the contract.
Agunloye, a former minister of Power and Steel, was linked to payments he described as part of “medical expenses”. He is currently standing trial over charges relating to the Mambilla power project.
The tribunal also questioned payments of $1.74 million made to Abubakar Dasuki, the son of Sambo Dasuki, a former National Security Adviser (NSA), adding that the transaction raised “considerable red flags.”
The tribunal said Dasuki failed to substantiate his claim that the payment was a loan, citing inconsistencies in his evidence, the absence of a loan agreement and the lack of records showing how the transaction was accounted for by Sunrise.
Yola and Awosika were also named among those involved in alleged bribery and the receipt of controversial payments.
Sources told Premium Times that the EFCC may invite Atiku and his ex-wife, Douglas, for questioning in the coming days or weeks.
Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has demanded an explanation from President Bola Ahmed Tinubu over his decision to stay away from the United Nations General Assembly for the third consecutive year.
Atiku’s criticism followed the Presidency’s announcement that Vice President Kashim Shettima would represent Tinubu and lead Nigeria’s delegation to the 81st Session of the UNGA in New York. The 2026 General Debate is scheduled for September 22 to 28.
In a statement issued on Sunday by his Senior Special Assistant on Public Communication, Phrank Shaibu, Atiku said Tinubu had been absent from the 79th UNGA in 2024, the 80th in 2025 and would again not attend the 81st session in 2026.
Atiku, the presidential candidate of the African Democratic Congress, said the repeated delegation of the Vice President could no longer be regarded as routine diplomatic representation.
He argued that the UNGA provides heads of government with an important platform to advance their countries’ interests, hold bilateral meetings, attract investments, pursue trade opportunities and engage development partners.
According to him, while Shettima could effectively represent Nigeria, the Vice President’s participation could not completely substitute for the President’s personal presence and visibility at a major international diplomatic gathering.
Atiku further argued that Nigeria could lose opportunities for investment and development financing when the President is absent from such high-level engagements.
“The cost is eventually transferred to ordinary citizens: fewer investments mean fewer businesses and fewer jobs,” he said.
The former vice president also questioned reports that Nigeria’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Jimoh Ibrahim, had secured a seat for Tinubu close to United States President Donald Trump during the General Assembly.
“The seat was secured, but the President disappeared,” Atiku said.
He also questioned reports that the Tinubu administration had spent up to $9 million on American lobbyists, asking why Nigeria would commit such funds to lobbying efforts in the United States while the President repeatedly stayed away from the UN gathering in New York.
“What exactly did Nigerians purchase with that money?” Atiku asked.
Questions over Tinubu’s US legal history
Atiku subsequently raised questions about Tinubu’s past legal proceedings in the United States, citing Case No. 93 C 4483 before the US District Court for the Northern District of Illinois.
He referred to the forfeiture proceedings involving funds held in accounts in Tinubu’s name and those of associated companies, alleging that US court documents linked the funds to narcotics trafficking and money laundering.
Atiku said the proceedings ultimately resulted in the forfeiture of approximately $460,000 to the US government.
However, he stressed that he was not claiming Tinubu was legally barred from entering the United States.
“We are not asserting that Tinubu is legally prohibited from entering the United States. The Presidency has announced no such restriction,” Atiku said.
He nevertheless questioned whether Tinubu’s past legal history in the US had any connection with his repeated absence from the UNGA.
“Nigerians are therefore entitled to ask whether Tinubu’s three consecutive UNGA absences have anything to do with this documented American history,” he said.
Atiku called on the Presidency to explain the reason for Tinubu’s absence if there was no legal, diplomatic, medical or personal impediment preventing him from attending.
“Has one man’s personal history become a burden on Nigeria’s diplomatic engagement?” he asked.
He also questioned whether the President’s absence could affect Nigeria’s diplomatic engagement with the United States and other countries.
Atiku concluded by demanding greater transparency from the Presidency over the decision to send Shettima to the UNGA for a third consecu
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is moving to give Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, a clearly defined role in his 2027 presidential re-election campaign, with the former Rivers State governor expected to coordinate campaign activities in Rivers and the FCT.
The emerging arrangement, reported by THISDAY on Monday, is designed to harness Wike’s political network in the two territories without formally placing him within the hierarchy of the All Progressives Congress (APC), despite his prominent support for Tinubu’s re-election.
Wike remains a member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and has repeatedly stated that he has no intention of joining the APC to support Tinubu’s second-term bid.
The reported arrangement comes amid growing tensions between Wike and some APC governors over the structure and control of political mobilisation ahead of the 2027 elections.
Wike to Coordinate Rivers, FCT
Wike has consistently maintained that he does not need to belong to the APC or occupy the position of Director-General of Tinubu’s campaign council before supporting the President’s re-election.
Instead, the FCT minister has publicly declared that his objective is to deliver Rivers State and the FCT for Tinubu in 2027.
During a media interaction in Port Harcourt earlier this month, Wike described himself as the “General Commander of the Political Infantry” in Rivers and the FCT.
“You do not need to be governor before you can be in charge. I am the General Commander of the Political Infantry; therefore, I am in charge. So also in FCT. I owe the President to give these two,” Wike said.
The proposed campaign arrangement would give a formal framework to the political responsibility Wike has already publicly claimed in the two territories.
The reported move comes after Tinubu constituted the APC Presidential Campaign Council in August, with former Zamfara State Governor Abdulaziz Yari appointed Director-General.
Imo State Governor Hope Uzodimma was named secretary, while Tinubu serves as chairman. Vice President Kashim Shettima and APC National Chairman Nentawe Yilwatda were named vice-chairmen.
Senate President Godswill Akpabio, House of Representatives Speaker Tajudeen Abbas and Yobe State Governor Mai Mala Buni were also assigned deputy director-general roles.
However, the emerging campaign structure is not expected to operate strictly through a single chain of command. According to the report, Akpabio and Deputy Senate President Jibrin Barau are expected to operate with distinct responsibilities rather than directly reporting to Yari.
The arrangement is reportedly intended to accommodate the different political blocs and influential figures expected to play roles in Tinubu’s re-election campaign.
Why Wike’s Role Is Different
Wike presents an unusual political situation for the Tinubu campaign.
Although he remains a PDP member, he has become one of the President’s most prominent political allies outside the APC.
His relationship with Tinubu became particularly significant during the 2023 presidential election, when Wike and four other PDP governors known as the G5 refused to support the party’s presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar.
Wike subsequently supported Tinubu while remaining in the PDP.
After the election, Tinubu appointed him Minister of the FCT, making him one of the most prominent opposition-party politicians serving in the APC-led Federal Government.
Since then, Wike has repeatedly defended the Tinubu administration and declared his support for the President’s 2027 re-election bid.
The reported campaign arrangement comes against the backdrop of disagreements between Wike and APC governors over his proposed Rainbow Coalition.
Wike has described the coalition as a cross-party platform designed to mobilise support for Tinubu’s presidential re-election.
Thisday
Man City Survive Sunderland Scare, Liverpool Sneak Past Bournemouth
Fresh Crisis: Atiku, Malami, Others Fingered As EFCC Begins Fresh Probe Of Mambilla Power Deal
Atiku Challenges Tinubu Over Third Straight UNGA Absence, Questions ‘American Baggage’
-
News18 hours agoTeeJay Yusuf mourns Ex-Kogi Governor Ibrahim Idris
-
News21 hours agoEkiti ADC senatorial candidate demands police probe into campaign office attack
-
Sports18 hours agoEPL: Shearer Warns Arsenal After Brighton Humbling
-
News21 hours agoArewa Youths Hail NNPCL Boss Ojulari For Launch of Nigeria’s Pioneer Smart Self-Service Station
-
News17 hours agoJust in: Former Kogi Governor Ibrahim Idris reportedly dies in UK
-
News23 hours agoHow God Brought My Wife Back After Six-Month Coma — Akpabio