Opinion
Edo 2024: Why APC should not look beyond Senator Osunbor

By Ohis Akhigbemudu
The All Progressives Congress, APC in the next 48hours will pick its flag bearer for the Edo guber primaries slated for February 17th.
The APC needs not to travel all the way to Sokoto in search of a candidate when it already has Senator Professor Oserheimen Osunbor in its sokoto ready to be activated to wrest power from the PDP controlled state.
Osunbor as it stands today is the only marketable brand in the shelf of the APC that can galvanize support with little or nothing for the party to take over from PDP.
He is the only weapon that can be launched into action because he has no baggage of any sort that could obstruct APC in the guber polls slated for September. No EFCC records and an unblemished 17 and half months in the saddle as number one citizen in the Heartbeat of the Nation.
Edo APC delegates need not be reminded that Osunbor touched virtually all the economic sectors that were already gathering momentum before he was shoved aside.
Beneficiaries see him on the streets of Benin reminding Osunbor of his good deeds while he was in office.
Freedom of choice is mostly entrenched in democracy, but when exercised with interest relegated to the background, it culminates in regrets and gnashing of teeth.
We are once again presented with the ample opportunity to make our voices heard loud and clear in choosing a leader whose actions and inactions will make us look back at the February 17 exercise in either contentment or misery.
So much has been said and written about Professor Oserheimen Aigberaodion Osunbor, his qualities, and the immense good his candidature can do for the APC in its quest to reclaim the reins from the PDP.
His qualities are innumerable, which, rolled into one, can be aptly termed “servant leadership”.
Now, I would explain what a servant leader is and let anyone explain why and how Senator Osunbor doesn’t fit the bill. In the absence of any contrary opinions, all Edo State APC members obviously have no better option than the professor of law as it concerns beneficial governance.
Servant leadership is a leadership style and philosophy whereby an individual interacts with others to achieve authority rather than power.
Senator Osunbor exhibited this trait that is uncommon in an African democracy as a Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and later as the Executive Governor of Edo State for 18 months, during which time he engendered synergistic relationship, promoted innovation, empowed employees, and ensured the well-being of the generality of Edo people indiscriminately.
He has also demonstrated characteristics such as empathy, listening, stewardship, and commitment to the personal growth of others.
My dear APC voters, many other aspirants have a leader-first perspective. They aim to gain control quickly, driven by the desire and prospects for material gain or influence.
Senator Osunbor has never been indicted for misappropriation of funds in his almost two decades of holding prime political positions. Even upon attaining a position of governance in 2007, he became more renowned and revered for prioritising service over personal gains and listening to followers carefully to better understand their needs.
While other aspirants may be spinning money and seeking endorsement from godfathers, Senator Osunbor is primarily concerned with how his efforts will uplift those who are underrepresented or are from lower economic standing, which is essential in seeking a position of democratic control.
Given this glowing attribute, Senator Osunbor has earned the respect of all Edo people who see him as the best model and would defy all odds to vote for him come September 21.
Why would any APC voter overlook this gem on February 17?

Opinion
How Akpabio and Wike are shaping Tinubu’s 2027 path to victory in South-South zone

By Sufuyan Ojeifo
In the grand chessboard of Nigerian politics, the South-South zone has emerged as a theatre of intrigue, ambition, and transformation. Long held as the stronghold of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), this six-state belt comprising Akwa Ibom, Rivers, Edo, Delta, Bayelsa, and Cross River, has been defined by its oil wealth, complex ethnic calculus, and history of federal marginalisation. Yet, the tide is shifting. With 2027 approaching, a new alliance is redrawing the region’s political geography. At the helm are two battle-tested tacticians: Senate President Godswill Obot Akpabio and Federal Capital Territory Minister Nyesom Ezenwo Wike.
Their synergy is no accident. Forged from years of shared pragmatism and mutual respect, sharpened by political combat and cemented by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s strategic confidence in both men, the Akpabio-Wike axis is now Tinubu’s ace in a region that was once sceptical of the All Progressives Congress (APC). With each passing month, their influence deepens, their networks expand, and the South-South’s loyalty to Tinubu’s “Renewed Hope” agenda grows more visible.
■ Governor-kingpins turned federal titans
Akpabio’s rise to national prominence began in Akwa Ibom, where he governed from 2007 to 2015. His “Uncommon Transformation” agenda produced visible infrastructure, modernised education, and redefined the capital, Uyo. But it was not just the roads and buildings that endured. He cultivated a political machine anchored in loyalty, patronage, and performance. Even after switching to the APC in 2018, Akpabio remained a force. Today, as Senate President, he sits at the apex of legislative influence, blending state-level charisma with national clout.
Wike’s trajectory mirrored Akpabio’s in intensity, if not in tone. As Rivers governor from 2015 to 2023, he governed with a bulldozer’s energy and a rather colourful tongue, to coin a stylistic phrase. Flyovers, bridges, and public schools dotted the Port Harcourt skyline on his watch. But beyond infrastructure, Wike built a fearsome political machine. His infamous quip “As e dey pain dem, e dey sweet us” became a rallying cry, both combative and celebratory. Now ensconced in Abuja as FCT Minister, he wields federal power with the same swagger he honed in Rivers.
■ The Alliance: Born of fire, forged by realpolitik
Akpabio and Wike were not always allies. Their political paths criss-crossed with sparks. In 2021, they clashed publicly over Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) funds, a spat that underlined their mutual wariness. But both men are students of power. They understand the difference between friendship and alignment, between temporary quarrels and long-term stakes.
It was Tinubu’s deft orchestration during and after the 2023 elections that brought them fully into alignment. Akpabio, having weathered internal resistance, clinched the Senate Presidency with Tinubu’s blessing. Wike, fresh from his bruising battles within the PDP, accepted the FCT Ministry role, a position of unusual visibility and executive reach. Both moves were calculated. Both men were handed levers of federal influence and a mandate to reengineer the South-South.
■ Structures of influence, engines of mobilisation
In Akwa Ibom, Akpabio’s dominance remains palpable. Though no longer governor, his imprimatur still shapes political outcomes. But he has not limited himself to his home base. With Tinubu’s support, he has expanded into Edo, backing Monday Okpebholo as APC’s governorship standard bearer. It is a bold move. Edo is known for its political volatility and resistance to outside influence. But Akpabio’s intervention, far from being resented, has introduced coherence to APC’s strategy in the state.
Wike, meanwhile, remains the undisputed strongman of Rivers. His grip is institutional, emotional, and electoral. But he, too, is thinking beyond his borders. In Cross River, where APC already governs, Wike’s overtures to political elites have been welcomed. In Bayelsa, his growing presence is unmistakable. The recent federal projects and policy footprints traceable to his influence are not mere happenstance. They are tactical incursions.
Delta presents a more nuanced picture. Historically, a PDP territory, the state is now wobbling under the weight of internal realignments. Former governor James Ibori, long seen as a political heavyweight, is now shepherding loyalists towards Tinubu. Governor Sherrif Oborevwori and former governor Okowa, both once staunch PDP figures, are said to be warming up to APC structures. While Akpabio’s footprint in Delta is light, the broader Tinubu machinery, with Ibori’s navigation, is making the state increasingly receptive to the APC.
■ Performance meets patronage: Strategic federal roles
Wike has turned the FCT Ministry into a political theatre. Whatever one may feel about Wike’s personality, what one cannot deny is his passion to get tangible things done. As such, Abuja’s infrastructure is getting a facelift. But so too is Tinubu’s federal brand.
Roads, public buildings, and new policies bear Wike’s activist signature. In town hall meetings, on social media, and within elite circles, the message is the same: performance is the new propaganda. By centralising federal attention on Abuja, Wike is showing what APC governance looks like when driven by energy and urgency.
Akpabio, on his part, has used the Senate Presidency not merely for legislative function but for grassroots outreach. His N2 billion constituency intervention included minibuses, scholarships, grants, and institutional support across the South-South. His ability to push tertiary education bills and galvanise federal attention for South-South issues has earned him fresh respect. His statement that there would be “no opposition in 2027” may have raised eyebrows, but it also signalled intent: Tinubu’s path to re-election runs through consolidated zones, not contested ones.
■ Shifting political pulse: Communities react
Across the South-South, the Akpabio-Wike effect is being felt. In Akwa Ibom, even a PDP-elected governor like Umo Eno has decamped to the APC and endorsed Tinubu, citing national unity and pragmatism. In Delta, the underground acceptance of APC structures by traditional PDP actors signals an ideological drift. In Edo, the momentum behind Monday Okpebholo is energising new voters. Across the region, community-level feedback is turning from suspicion to curiosity, and from curiosity to cautious embrace.
The message is simple: Tinubu is present, his proxies are performing, and the South-South is watching.
■ Cracks in the alliance?
But even the most masterful alliance is not immune to stress. Wike’s style, brash and unapologetic, occasionally alienates more conservative voices. His battles with Rivers State Governor Siminalayi Fubara have drawn criticism, even from within the APC. Akpabio’s centralised approach to legislative control sometimes unsettles other regional stakeholders. And within the APC itself, murmurs of discomfort abound. Some loyalists are already voicing concerns about decampees “eating the food they didn’t cook.”
Tinubu’s balancing act is delicate. He must retain the loyalty of his South-South chess masters while keeping the party’s internal cohesion intact. He must deliver real dividends to validate the political realignments or risk disillusionment. The alliance is built on power, yes, but it must now translate into prosperity.
■ A Masterstroke or a mirage?
For now, the Akpabio-Wike synergy is Tinubu’s most potent weapon in the South-South. It is a political gambit that combines pedigree, performance, and proximity to the grassroots. It is a blend of old-school mobilisation and modern political calculation.
But it is also a structure that must be nurtured. Regional expectations are high. The hunger for representation is matched only by the thirst for results. Tinubu’s challenge is to make this alliance not just an electoral machine but a development vanguard.
The South-South is watching. In the chess game of Nigerian politics, Akpabio and Wike have made their opening gambits. The endgame may well determine not just Tinubu’s re-election but the lasting legacy of a region long poised for its moment at the centre.
For now, the pieces are in motion. The king has placed his confidence in two grandmasters. The board is set. And 2027 is the checkmate they seek. How will the game end? Only time, as always, will tell.
Opinion
Hon Justice Mohammed Lawal Uwais: A judge’s judge

By Prof Mike Ozekhome
The silence before the gong
When a great Iroko falls, it does not do so quietly. It thunders in the forest.
I was sipping coffee that morning as the world was yet wrapped in its festive linen. Eid al-Adha, the celebration of obedience and the commemoration of Abraham (Ibrahim)’ willingness to sacrifice his son in obedience to God’s command, had brought families together under canopies of roasted ram, plenty food, laughter and spiritual rejuvenation. And then a friend called me to announce, “Justice Mohammed LawalUwais has passed on.” The words staggered out of my phone like a wounded gazelle. For a moment, I thought it was a mistake. Not because Justice Uwais was too young to die. No. After all, life expectancy in Nigeria is only 61.2 for men and 62.6 for women, all below the global average of 73.3.So while the acclaimed Jurist was not too young to die, he was certainly too good to die. Just like that. My humble submission.
Justice Uwais had exited the stage quietly without pomp and without pageantry just days shy of turning 89. So his was surely a long life, certainly, outpacing that of the average Nigerian male. Yet, no arithmetic can capture the fullness of a life lived in rigour and relevance such as that of Uwais. As the Hausa would say: “Mutuwa ba ta da rana”, meaning that ‘death does not have a fixed day’. But his felt symbolically placed, almost divinely arranged.
To die during the sacred season of Eid al-Adha when souls are softened, when the air is filled with remembrance of the ultimate sacrifice was itself a testament to Uwais’ fulfilled life. It was a sign that suggested he had made peace with his maker and thus the time when Almighty Allah had chosen the hour to welcome back a faithful servant.
AND TRULY, WAS HE NOT A STEWARD?
This man, who walked into the Supreme Court at a mere 43, not merely young but burning with judicial fire, would sit on the bench for decades. By 1995, he had become the Chief Justice of Nigeria. He held that seat, the very apex of Nigerian justice, for 11 formidable years, the second-longest tenure in the nation’s apex history, following the 14 years spent by the longest serving CJN, Sir Adetokunbo Ademola ( 1958-1972). Uwais was not just a judge. He was the Judge; a Judge’s Judge. Uwais did not just jump into the seat of the CJN. He had pupilaged, servingpatiently under 5 whole CJNs- Hon. Justices Darnley Alexander; Atanda Fatayi- Williams; George SodeindeSowemo; Ayo Gabriel Irikefe; and Mohammed Bello.
In the ancient Ashanti kingdoms of West Africa, elders would say, “When the drumbeat changes, the dance must also change.” It is the same adage in my Uvhanolanguage in Etsako, Edo State. And Justice Uwaiscame drumming a new rhythm into the judiciary. Law was not for theatrics. Law to him, was a sacred text, precise, divine, unyielding. A thing to be revered, not wielded like a cudgel. He did not just apply laws. He understood their soul. Calm with penetrating eyes and sharp wit, Uwais was a pleasure to appear before at the apex court. And I did so many times. He would never harass nor talk down on a Counsel, not even junior ones. His humility and respect for the Bar were legendary.
There was a certain meticulousness to his rulings, an almost surgical devotion to jurisprudence. He would dance between the lines of legislation, looking out for justice, with a clarity and erudition that reminded one of sunlight on steel. And he had the rare gift of seeing the implications, not just the letter, but the heartbeat of the law. With him, a lawyer could easily know the outcome of his case based on available precedents. He saw law as the handmaid with which justice is delivered (Bello v AG, Oyo State (19686) 5 NWLR 820 (SC); (1986) CLR 12(b)( SC).
And when he spoke, the courtroom held its breath. This was no ordinary Jurist. This was the son of the Chief Alkali and later Waziri of Zaria emirate. Nobility ran through his veins, but humility shaped his demeanourand persona.
He often quoted legendary Justice Samson Uwaifo(JSC)’s memorable words at his valedictory speech, “A corrupt judge is more harmful to society than a man who runs amok with a dagger in a crowded street. The latter can be restrained physically, but a corrupt judge deliberately destroys the moral foundation of society and causes incalculable distress to individuals through abusing his office, while still being referred to as honourable.” And this was not some offhand remark. It was a creed for him. He lived it. Believed it. Fought for it. It was not a speech given to hyperbole. It was truth wrapped in fire.
For a Judge is not just a man in robes. A Judge is the final arbiter in the face of injustice. He sits between God and his fellow beings. A corrupt judge does not merely break laws. He breaks people. He breaks morals. He breaks society. He breaks the future. Justice Uwais, thankfully, did none of these.
THE JUDGE WHO SAW TOMORROW
In the vast drama of Nigerian politics, an ever-rolling masquerade of power and promises, one name will never be forgotten: Mohammed Lawal Uwais. Why? Because after retirement, when he could have retreated into quiet gardens to write memoirs, he chose instead to lead a silent revolution.
President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua had called upon him to chair the Presidential Committee on Electoral Reforms. It was in 2007, and Nigeria’s democracy was haemorrhaging. Elections that brought in Yar’Adua as president had been marred by fraud, violence and brazen manipulation. And like the prophet who warns his people not out of anger but out of love, the now late Justice Uwais stepped forward and accepted the challenge.
The committee’s recommendations were not timid revisions. They were seismic. Audacious. Brave. Revolutionary.
They proposed unbundling of INEC and to emerge from its stable, three brand-new commissions to handle Electoral Offences, Constituency Delimitation, and Political Party Registration. These were responsibilities hitherto buried within INEC, that sacred cow of electoral hopes, but which has serially dashed Nigeria’s hopes.
The boldest recommendation perhaps? That the head of INEC should no longer be appointed by the President, but by the Judiciary.
It was a direct shot at the veins of partisanship, to remove it from Executive control of the president. Unsurprisingly, the corridors of power shuddered. The result? Yar’Adua rejected it. Others danced around it. But Justice Uwais stood his ground, steady as a Baobab tree.
“Let justice be done though the heavens fall,” the old Romans said. And Justice Uwais would certainly have agreed.
In time, Acting President Goodluck Jonathan did something unexpected: he dusted off the unedited Uwais Report and sent it, unaltered to the National Assembly. A rare moment of political courage. It was as though the ghost of the law had whispered in his ear: “Do not fear. Do right.” But the battle raged. Senators balked. “Separation of powers!”, they cried. “Letting the judiciary appoint INEC chair compromises neutrality!”, they argued. Asif appointment by the President was not itself the greatest show of partially.
Justice Uwais watched. He did not yell. He did not rage. He let the report speak. For true men of wisdom do not throw stones. They plant seeds. And watch them grow. Today, even though the report saw little fragments implemented, its endearing impact remains undeniable. It has ever since shaped national discourse and conversation on electoral matters. It was a case of “res ipsa loquitur”. It framed new expectations. It was not just a document, it was a mirror through which we were to see ourselves during elections. And Nigeria saw herself in her full nakedness, watts and all, perhaps for the first time, without her make-belief makeup.
OF DUST, LEGACIES AND THE QUIET ROAD HOME
The Holy Qur’an says in Surah Al-Baqarah(2:286): “Allah does not burden a soul beyond that it can bear.” And surely, Allah knew what He was doing when He burdened Justice Uwais with the weight of the Nigerian judiciary. Not all men can sit on the edge of power and not be seduced by the corrosive power of power. Uwais was not. Not all men can dwell among the many rogues within the larger society and still remain robed in white. Uwais was.
UWAIS’ TENDER FEET
Justice Uwais’s formative years set the stage for his distinguished career. Born in Zaria on the 12th of June, 1936, he was raised in a family with strong roots in education and leadership. In 1950, Uwais advanced to Zaria Middle School and later attended the prestigious Barewa College in Zaria.
His legal journey took him to the Institute of Administration at Ahmadu Bello University, followed by studies in England, where he was called to the Bar at the Middle Temple in 1963 and admitted to the Nigerian Bar on January 17, 1964.
In 1973, Justice Uwais was appointed Acting Judge of the High Courts of North Central, Benue-Plateau, and North Eastern States of Nigeria. His judicial career continued its upward trajectory as he became a substantive Judge in 1974; briefly served as the Chief Judge of Kaduna State in 1976, and was elevated to the Federal Court of Appeal in 1977. At just 43, he became a member of Nigeria’s Supreme Court, where he served for 27 years and his legal acumen shone. As at today, no Justice of the Supreme Court has ever spent, close to the over 3 decades he served.
A SUPREME BAPTISM OF FIRE
Still very fresh at the court, Uwais was invited by the then Chief Justice of Nigeria, Hon. Justice AtandaFatai-Willlams to join the panel that decided the appeal which today is a cause célèbre. This was because Justice George S. Sowemimo who later became a CJN himself declined to be part of the panel. His excuse was that he convicted Awolowo in the 1960’s in the then Western Region. Uniquely, Uwais also holds the honour of being the first Alumnus of the Nigerian Law School to have occupied the exalted position of CJNand the first Chief Justice of Nigeria to retire at 70.
As Chief Justice of Nigeria, Uwais was known for his professionalism, impartiality, and dedication to the rule of law. He was instrumental in reshaping the Nigerian judiciary and strengthening public confidence in the justice system. His efforts to establish a full complement of 16 Justices of the Supreme Court, which improved the court’s ability to manage cases efficiently, were pivotal. He also introduced new court sitting arrangements, which included special sittings at the beginning of the legal year and the swearing-in of new Senior Advocates of Nigeria.
EVEN AFTER RETIRING, UWAIS’S COMMITMENT TO NATIONAL PROGRESS DID NOT WANE
Even after retiring, Uwais’s commitment to national progress did not wane.
In 2002, he expanded the political space by allowing the registration of new political parties, an act that electrified democratic possibilities. He served as Chairman of the Federal Judicial Service Commission from 1999 to 2006, the very engine room of Nigeria’s legal bureaucracy. And in all these years, he remained untouched by scandal. Untouched by corruption.Unmoved by politics. But unyielding in character and dignity. And then came 6th June, 2025, and he breathes his final breath. But let no one say he died. Say instead he went home.
The African proverbs tell us that when a lion dies, the forest mourns for seven days. For Justice Uwais, the forest may mourn for seventy. They say in Yoruba lands, “Eni ba ku, ki a ma fi oro e se eré.” meaning ‘When a man dies, his name should not become a joke’. Let his deeds speak. Let the winds echo his memory. Let the heavens blaze forth his legacy.
Forever, Uwais’ deeds are engraved in rulings and judgements; in judicial and political reforms; in the minds of generations of Nigerian lawyers who studied his judgements the way others study scripture. And for the skeptics, the cynics who say one man cannot change a nation, I offer Justice Uwais.
He did not make speeches on podiums. He simply wrote judgements. He signed reports. He told truth to power in long lonely corridors. He was a light. Incandescent. Not flamboyant, but persistent.
HE WAS A LIGHT INCANDESCENT; NOT FLAMBOYANT, BUT PRESENT
An illuminating light in a country too often plunged into judicial darkness. While Uwais was a Judge’s Judge, he has now returned to his maker, the JUDGE OF ALL JUDGES. The One before whom robes, bibs,collars, studs and gavels are meaningless, and only sincerity and nobility stand. Sir, you served your nation faithfully with every fibre in you. Now, rest in perfect peace, unburdened by Nigeria ‘s spirally problems.May Allah forgive your earthly sins and grant you Al-Jannah Firdausi. Amin.
Ozekhome is a Senior Advocate of Nigeria and human rights activist
Opinion
Carbon emissions and ICT sustainable development

By Sonny Aragba-Akpore
The Information and Communications Technology (ICT) sustainable development by 2030 is being threatened.
Reasons?Carbon emissions are on the rise and May further increase thereby reducing the speed of development as the problem had to be addressed and threats removed to gain momentum in the growth of ICT.
Inspite of the manifest progress recorded so far in the efforts to bridge the digital divide especially in connecting the unconnected 2.6B population that is offline,carbon emissions remain a drawback.
Global ICT regulator,the International Telecommunications Union (ITU) is worried and says so in clear terms that unless urgent remedies are put in place,ICT sustainable development may remain a pipe dream.
The ITU is particularly worried about the place of Artificial Intelligence (AI) despite its beauty in the growth of the sector.
“Advances in digital innovation — especially Artificial Intelligence (AI) are driving up energy consumption and global emissions,” said ITU Secretary-General Doreen Bogdan-Martin. “While more must be done to shrink the tech sector’s footprint, the latest Greening Digital Companies report shows that industry understands the challenge — and that continued progress depends on sustaining momentum together.”
In Geneva,Switzerland the ITU released a report On June 5,2025,saying the
“tech sector carbon emissions continued their rise in recent years, fueled by rapid advances in artificial intelligence (AI) and data infrastructure”citing Greening Digital Companies 2025 report.
The report, produced by the ITU and the World Benchmarking Alliance (WBA), tracks the greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, energy use, and climate commitments of 200 leading digital companies as of 2023, the most recent year for which full data is available.
While the yearly report calls on digital companies to address their growing environmental footprint, it also indicates encouraging progress.
Worldwide, more companies had set emissions targets, sourced renewable energy and aligned with science-based frameworks.
According to the latest edition of the report, electricity consumption by data centres— which power AI development and deployment, among other uses — increased by 12 per cent each year from 2017 to 2023, four times faster than global electricity growth.
Four leading AI-focused companies alone saw their operational emissions increase in the reporting period by 150 per cent on average since 2020. This rise in energy that is either produced or purchased – known as Scope 1 and Scope 2 emissions – underscores the urgent need to manage AI’s environmental impact.
In total, the amount of greenhouse gas emissions reported by the 166 digital companies covered by the report contributed 0.8 per cent of all global energy-related emissions in 2023.
The 164 digital companies that reported electricity consumption accounted for 2.1 per cent of global electricity use, at 581 terawatt-hours (TWh), with 10 companies responsible for half of this total.
“Digital companies have the tools and influence to lead the global climate transition, but progress must be measured not only by ambition, but by credible action,” said Lourdes O. Montenegro, Director of Research and Digitisation at WBA. “This report provides a clear signal to the international community: more companies are stepping up, but emissions and electricity use continues to rise.”
“The Greening Digital Companies report has become a vital tool in tracking the climate footprint of the tech sector,” said Cosmas Luckyson Zavazava, Director of ITU’s Telecommunication Development Bureau. “Despite the progress made, greenhouse gas emissions continue to rise, confirming that the need for digital companies to adopt science-aligned, transparent, and accountable climate strategies has never been greater. ITU’s work in monitoring the environmental impact of the sector is a crucial step towards achieving a sustainable digital transformation.”
ITU’s Telecommunication Development Bureau is working with regulators, statisticians, academics, and industry experts to define indicators that support national GHG monitoring and data-driven action through the Expert Group on Telecommunication/ICT Indicators.
As the COP30 UN climate conference approaches, ITU’s Green Digital Action aims to ensure that updated climate pledges and adaptation plans will fully reflect the complete impacts of digital technologies.
Although emissions continued their rise, Greening Digital Companies 2025 highlights steps taken by many tech firms that suggest a strengthening of transparency and accountability.
Eight companies scored above 90 per cent in the report’s climate commitment assessment on data disclosure, targets and performance. This is up from just three in last year’s report.
“For the first time, the report includes data on companies’ progress toward meeting climate targets and realizing stated net-zero ambitions. Almost half of the companies assessed had committed to achieving net-zero emissions, with 41 firms targeting 2050 and 51 aiming for earlier deadlines.” the report stated.
Other trends among the 200 digital companies featured in the report include:
Renewable energy adoption where 23 companies operated on 100 per cent renewable energy in 2023, up from 16 in 2022.
On dedicated climate reporting,49 companies released standalone climate reports, signaling greater transparency.
Scope 3 consideration highlighted the number of companies publishing targets on indirect emissions from supply chains and product use rose from 73 to 110, showing increasing awareness of industry impacts.
A call for bold, collaborative and immediate action highlights how the tech sector can ensure long-term digital sustainability, according to the joint ITU-WBA report and recommends that companies:
.Strengthen data verification, target ambition and climate reporting, including by publishing climate transition action plans.;
.Disclose the full environmental footprint of their AI operations.;
.Foster cross-sector collaboration among tech firms, energy producers and environmental advocates, alongside industry initiatives to drive accelerated digital decarbonization and
Keep accelerating renewable energy adoption.
Industry reports indicate that
“two months after its release in November 2022, OpenAI’s ChatGPT had 100 million active users, and suddenly tech corporations were racing to offer the public more “generative A.I.” Pundits compared the new technology’s impact to the Internet, or electrification, or the Industrial Revolution — or the discovery of fire.
“Time will sort hype from reality, but one consequence of the explosion of artificial intelligence is clear: this technology’s environmental footprint is large and growing.”
A.I. use is directly responsible for carbon emissions from non-renewable electricity and for the consumption of millions of gallons of fresh water, and it indirectly boosts impacts from building and maintaining the power-hungry equipment on which A.I. runs. As tech companies seek to embed high-intensity A.I. into everything from resume-writing to kidney transplant medicine and from choosing dog food to climate modeling, they cite many ways A.I. could help reduce humanity’s environmental footprint. But legislators, regulators, activists, and international organizations now want to make sure the benefits aren’t outweighed by A.I.’s mounting hazards.
“The development of the next generation of A.I. tools cannot come at the expense of the health of our planet,” Massachusetts Senator Edward Markey (D) said last week in Washington, after he and other senators and representatives introduced a bill that would require the federal government to assess A.I.’s current environmental footprint and develop a standardized system for reporting future impacts. Similarly, the European Union’s “A.I. Act,” approved by member states last week, will require “high-risk A.I. systems” (which include the powerful “foundation models” that power ChatGPT and similar A.I.s) to report their energy consumption, resource use, and other impacts throughout their systems’ lifecycle. The EU law takes effect next year.
In September 2015, the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development was agreed at the United Nations Sustainable Development Summit. This new framework for international cooperation to promote sustainable development between 2015 and 2030 is composed of 17 new Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and 169 Targets. The new agenda, which succeeds the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), was defined through a Member State-led process with broad participation from major groups and civil society stakeholders.
In March 2015, at its 46th session, the United Nations Statistical Commission (UNSC) created an Inter-agency and Expert Group on SDGs (IAEG-SDGs), composed of Member States and including regional and international agencies as observers, to provide a proposal of a global indicator framework (and associated global and universal indicators).
In March 2016, at its 47th session, the UNSC agreed on the global indicator framework, which will help monitor progress, identify challenges, and guide policy makers. The data for the 132 indicators included in this framework will be an essential part in the ambitious plan to eliminate poverty and hunger, protect the planet, combat inequalities and build peaceful, just and inclusive societies over the next 15 years. The data will also provide the basis for a yearly UN progress report.
The Commission agreed that this framework would be a practical starting point and that the indicators included in the framework would require further technical refinements.
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