Opinion
Parliamentary System: To Be Or Not To Be
By Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa, SAN
Nigeria gained independence from Britain in 1960, after several years of colonial rule. Expectedly, Nigeria adopted the parliamentary system of government being the one prevailing in Britain and many other commonwealth countries.
The parliamentary system of government is one in which the party or a coalition of parties with the greatest representation in the parliament forms the government, its leader becoming the Prime Minister.
In this regime, executive powers are exercised by members of the parliament appointed by the prime minister to the cabinet. The party or parties in the minority serve in the opposition to the majority and have the duty to challenge the programmes and policies of the government regularly.
This system of government is mostly regulated by conventions rather than statutes. The prime minister may be removed from power whenever he loses the confidence of a majority of the ruling party or of the parliament.
One of the major features of the parliamentary system is individual and collective responsibility, which ensures the accountability of the government to the legislature and thus, the populace.
The collective responsibility of ministers to the parliament takes different forms. First and foremost, it signifies that the government remains in office only so long as it retains the confidence of the parliament and that all ministers stand or fall together with that government.
Ministers must support government policies, but they must also resign or seek the dissolution of the government if defeated in the parliament on a matter of confidence (for instance, a vote on the budget). Collective responsibility implies that ministers are bound by the decisions of the cabinet, even when they had no part in their discussion or decision.
Second, all members of the government speak in concert in the parliament, unless the prime minister relieves them of that duty. This can happen when the government has no stated policy on an issue and allows a free vote to take place in the parliament or when the prime minister allows a member of his or her government to differ publicly from a policy.
The principle of ministerial responsibility ensures that the government acts as one entity and that this entity is answerable and accountable to the parliament. This was well captured in section 83 of the 1960 Constitution which states that “the cabinet shall be collectively responsible for any advice given to the Governor-General by or under the general authority of any minister of the government of the Federation in the execution of his office.”
During the first republic, a parliamentary system of government was in operation under the 1960 and 1963 Constitutions. This lasted till January 1966 following the military intervention in the government of Nigeria. A constituent assembly was put together towards the exit of military rule in 1978, leading to the draft 1979 Constitution which established the presidential system of government for the second republic.
It was the first time Nigeria was experimenting with the presidential system of government comprising the executive and the legislature as separate and autonomous bodies. Although the President wields the same powers as the prime minister in the parliamentary system, he has no control over and he is not part of parliament.
In the presidential system, the country was divided into constituencies and senatorial districts, which produced the parliamentarians whilst the President was elected by the people through direct ballot. And this has been one of the major reasons against the presidential system as it is said to be over bloated and too expensive to sustain.
Presently, and even with the separation from the executive, parliamentarians in Nigeria have no mind of their own other than to do the bidding of the executive. Requests from the executive to the parliament are not properly scrutinized before blanket approval is granted, candidates nominated for confirmation of the parliament scale through parliamentary screening as a matter of course and the legislature is more of an extension of the executive.
What would then happen were the prime minister to be a member of parliament in Nigeria together with his cabinet members? It will only be a matter of garbage in garbage out and the people will be the worse for it. In the other jurisdictions where parliamentary democracy is practiced, the prime minister labours to convince parliamentarians on certain policy issues and it does not take time for a vote of no confidence to be passed in deserving cases. That can never happen in Nigeria, where the parliament is busy padding the budget to take care of the pecuniary interests of its members. In fact, the parliament would most likely not sit on most occasions, preferring rather to announce wild approvals for executive policies without debate.
Ideally, the parliament should be a check on the executive, performing oversight functions over government ministries, departments and agencies. The parliament should ensure the implementation of the appropriation law to ensure compliance and to avoid corruption and waste. Where the parliament is up and doing in the discharge of its constitutional duties, the executive is tamed and assisted to perform maximally, under the doctrine of checks and balances.
In the case where the parliament is truly independent and autonomous, dictatorial policies and actions are curtailed, corruption is easily exposed and tackled and the people will feel the positive impact of the government. I honestly do not think that Nigeria has advanced to such a state where the leader of the ruling party (prime minister) is made to sit together in the same chamber with parliamentarians and his ministers.
The influence will be overbearing and overwhelming to the great disadvantage of the people. If part of the agitation for a return to the parliamentary system of government is to save cost, we then need to choose between money and progress. We have had enough of the presidential system to gather the experience needed to stabilize that option, whereas we have only had one parliamentary experience.
We can build on these experiences to define our own brand of democracy than to go back to the parliamentary system. In any case, we will still have the same Independent National Electoral Commission, we will still have the same Election Tribunals and indeed the same Nigeria Police Force.
The challenge to me is to build on our institutions to insulate them from political interference and to have them manned by persons who are strong enough to stave off such unwarranted incursions. The other point is that the parliamentary system of government is more like a unitary affair which cannot suit the case of Nigeria with all its multi ethnic and multi religious entities. Let us retain the presidential and improve on it.
ADIEU, HERBERT
I met this young man through his father, Pastor Shyngle Wigwe, at the headquarters of the Redeemed Christian Church of God in Ebute-Metta, Lagos. He was very committed in his devotion and stood out amongst the rest, given his imposing stature. Later on when I had occasion to sit with him and his wife as a panelist during a couples’ seminar, I got to know him as the father of Herbert.
Many years thereafter, I got a phone call from one of my mentors in the legal profession to quickly join him in Ikoyi. I raced down there. It turned out to be a legal assignment involving Herbert. When I eventually met him, he was very cool, calm and relaxed.
It turned out that he was then the one preaching to me on the need for patience and cooperation with the system. While waiting for the interview, I had cause to engage him on many issues, from politics to the economy, to his faith in God and even legal matters. Herbert was very knowledgeable, courageous and daring indeed. But he was also very gentle, firm and humble.
After explaining the legal issues involved in the matter at hand to him, he then dropped a bombshell when he stated emphatically that he was going to enroll to study law. I asked him how? With all his crowded schedules and the busy routine of steering the ship of the big Access Bank. He would read every sent to him and respond when necessary.
Always ready to assist, Herbert would link you up with anyone so long as it would add value to you. When I got to know that he had actually enrolled for the law course, I sent him a message asking why he would not seek permission from senior lawyers before crossing from banking to law.
Later on, it was time for us to travel together. Herbert greeted the pilot familiarly and warmly, joking with the hostesses as we climbed the plane to take our seats. He was very disciplined with his diet, taking tiny little bits of specially prepared nutritious diet but skillfully passing the mendemendes (we call them junks) to me. What is my own! I guzzled everything and washed them down.
After our engagement, he then took me to his house, asking me to sit in the inner chamber. I just stood on my feet, wondering how he expected me to sit in his private chamber as a first-time visitor to his house. When he got back from where he had gone to instruct his aides to prepare food for me and noticed that I was still standing up, he queried me thus: are you not my lawyer, who is supposed to know all my secrets?
He just left me there dazed and went about his meetings. I then looked at myself, this village boy, in this mansion with one of the biggest bankers in town! I collapsed my little frame on the sofa and began to devour the rich diet placed before me. I even slept off when the air conditioner had done its work on me.
Back in Lagos, he took me straight to his office and asked me to sit down and feel at home. How? In this big palace? Herbert was very jovial, down to earth and unassuming. He touched everyone that crossed his path. No doubt Nigeria has lost a gem but I still believe that the owners of the Chopper can be brought to book. Rest in power, man of God and man of the people.
News
“6,000 Medical doctors Left for Nigerians: Opportunities for African Traditional Medicines, Medical Cannabis, and the Revenue Item for the Tax Reform Bills”
By
Dr. Tonye Clinton Jaja,
Executive Director,
Nigerian Law Society (NLS).
On 23rd January 2025, it was reported that:
“…about 1,300 (medical) consultants left Nigeria in the last five years.
On Thursday, the Medical and Dental Consultants Association of Nigeria (MDCAN) said only 6,000 consultants are left in the country.
The association’s president, Muhammad Mohammad, said this during the association’s National Executive Council (NEC) Meeting in Ilorin, Kwara State.”
According to the World Health Organisation (WHO) “ratio of medical doctors to population varies by country and can be used to determine how many physicians a service area needs.
The World Health Organization (WHO) recommends a ratio of one doctor per 1,000 people.”
Going by the current population of Nigeria, which is approximately 230,000,000 (two hundred and thirty million persons), it means that the ratio of medical doctors to the Nigerian population is three medical doctors to one hundred and fifteen thousand persons (3:115,000).
So assuming that a medical doctor takes two days to attend to one Nigerian citizen or resident, it would take the said medical doctor one full year (without taking any holiday) to attend to the said quota of 115,000.
This ratio (3:115,000) is 100 times above the WHO recommended standard ratio of one medical doctor to 1,000 population (1:1000).
As bleak as these statistics may appear, it presents an opportunity for both the receipt of foreign exchange and development of indigenous traditional medicine manufacturing.
Medical cannabis (popular known as Indian hemp or “Igbo”, “weed”, “ganja”) is now the new “crude oil” and foreign exchange earner for many African countries such as the Kingdom of Lesotho.
As far back as the year 2008, Lesotho amended it’s laws to comply with the relevant United Nations legislation to decriminalise and permit the cultivation and sale of the species of cannabis that is known as “medical cannabis”.
“Following the December 2, 2020, vote by the United Nations Commission on Narcotic Drugs, the removal of cannabis and cannabis resin from that Schedule entered into force in 2021. Since 2021, cannabis and cannabis resin remain listed in Schedule I of the Single Convention, alongside extracts and tinctures of cannabis.”
In a nutshell, the implication was that: “At that time, the ECDD, a Committee of the United Nations Office of Drugs and Crimes advised that certain cannabis-derived medicines like cannabidiol (CBD)have no potential to be abused or cause dependence but have significant health benefits for children with treatment-resistant epilepsy, and therefore should not be placed under international control.”
With this re-classification of cannabis, “In the 2019 African Cannabis Report, Lesotho’s industry was projected to be worth at least $92m (£76m) by 2023.”
Revenue in Lesotho’s Cannabis market is forecasted to reach US$3.77m in 2025. The revenue is anticipated to demonstrate an annual growth rate (CAGR 2025-2029) of 1.17%, leading to a market volume of US$3.95m by 2029.”
The BBC reported that:
The high altitude combined with fertile soils, untainted by pesticides, enables growers to produce a high-quality crop, valued all over the world.
Last year, (2017) Lesotho became the first African country to legalise the cultivation of marijuana for medicinal purposes, spawning a new sector in a country where the economy struggles to create employment opportunities.”
Going by the foregoing, Lesotho has increased it’s foreign exchange earnings through the sale of medical cannabis to Canada and other European countries that utilise it for the manufacture of medicines for treatment of cancer and epilepsy.
Let it be repeated here that Lesotho legalised the cultivation of MEDICAL CANNABIS for production of medication. This is different from cannabis that is used for recreational use. This species is not legalised.
This distinction is very important considering that some law-makers frown at the idea or even the mere mention of cannabis (Igbo, weed, ganja, skunk, etc.).
About the year 2022, or thereabouts, I still recall the difficulty of convincing my wife (who is a lawyer not to mention others) about why I was involved as a legal consultant for the drafting of a Bill to Legalise the Cultivation of Medicinal Cannabis in Nigeria. The said Bill was sponsored by Hon. Miriam Onuoha of the House of Representatives, National Assembly of Nigeria.
During my legislative advocacy, to promote the said Bill, the current majority leader told me point-blank that his constituents would not be happy that he is supporting a Bill to legalise the cultivation of MEDICAL CANNABIS, which he kept referring to as “Igbo” (the pidgin English language name) instead of the botanical name (cannabis sativa), which sounds more refined!!!!
I also approached a very popular human rights lawyer who is also a Senior Advocate of Nigeria-SAN to support the advocacy by filing a public interest lawsuit to compel the National Assembly to enact a law to give effect or “domesticate” the said UN legislation that de-classified cannabis. He “diplomatically” turned it down because of the risks to his reputation.
However, the current Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, National Assembly who had taken his time to read about the medical value of medicinal cannabis is on record as giving 100% support to the said Bill.
Several medical doctors provided myself and other members of our team with results of scientific studies that support the medical and medicinal benefits of the species of cannabis known as medical cannabis. It was an eye-opener for me.
It was based on those tangible, empirical evidence that I supported the drafting of a Bill for legalisation of cultivation of MEDICAL CANNABIS.
And it is on that basis that I now support the opportunity for Nigeria to increase it’s foreign exchange earnings through the cultivation of MEDICAL CANNABIS.
This has to be done under very strict regulations.
As the Government of Lesotho is doing, they enter into a direct partnership agreement that allows the foreign companies to be involved in the cultivation and processing and exporting of the medical cannabis.
It is not safe to allow indigenous Nigerians to be involved directly in the cultivation and processing and packing and exporting (“make them no come smoke am, or steal am finish”-as we would say in pidgin English language).
From the foregoing, it is obvious that the dearth of medical doctors in Nigeria present a golden opportunity for the growth and development of indigenous traditional medicine industry in Nigeria.
The Nigerian soil and tropical climate supports the growth of plants and trees that are the raw materials for production of medicines that can cure a lot of ailments.
Growing up as a child, I inherited asthma, as my grandfather was always with an inhaler. On one of the boat rides from ogoniland to my village (Opobo town) in the year 1987 or thereabouts, because of the exposure to cold breeze, I suffered an asthma attack and I was rushed to the local hospital upon disembarking from the boat. My mother who witnessed the whole incident told me that it was an elderly person with knowledge of local herbs that boiled some plants that was used to revive me after I drank it. And that was the last time, I experienced any sort of asthma attacks not even when I was resident in the United Kingdom, which has a colder weather than Nigeria. Till today, I have not used any inhaler, since the year 1987.
So this is a testament to the potency of our traditional medicines.
However, we are not paying attention to it as an alternative source of medicine and foreign exchange earnings.
It is hoped that this current dearth of medical doctors in Nigeria will open our eyes to the golden opportunity.
As the saying goes: “God never closes a door, without opening a window somewhere else”-Sound of Music (1964)!!!
Opinion
Playing games with telecom tariff hikes
By Sonny Aragba-Akpore
In what sounded like a death knell or an epilogue as we know it in literature,Association of Licenced Telecoms Operators of Nigeria (ALTON )chairman, Gbenga Adebayo, warned that “if nothing is done, we might begin to see in the new year grim consequences unfolding, such as Service Shedding; Operators may not be able to provide services in some areas and at some times of the day leaving millions disconnected, there will be significant economic Fallout, because businesses will suffer from lack of connectivity, stalling growth and innovation. There will also be national economic disruption where key sectors like security, commerce, healthcare, and education which rely heavily on telecom infrastructure, will face serious disruptions.”
This is frightening should the threat be carried out with full force.
But can the operators act unilaterally?The answer is no and that is where the game begins.
Only last week the government agreed to demands for tariff hikes in the telecommunication industry. This is expected in the coming weeks, as the government aims to address sustainability challenges in the telecom sector. This implies that prices of calls, data and SMS will go up for the average Nigerian.
However, the hike will fall short of the 100 percent increase requested by service providers, with the government seeking to balance sector growth and protecting Nigerians from excessive financial burdens.Bosun Tijani, the minister of communications, innovation, and digital economy, disclosed this during an industry stakeholder forum in Abuja on Wednesday January 8,2025.
Similarly the NCC introduced the Guidance for the Simplification of Tariffs signed out by NCC Chief on November 25,2024 stating among other things that :”This Guidance is pursuant to the regulatory powers of the Nigerian Communications Commission (Commission) under Sections 3, 108 and 109 of the Nigerian
Communications Act 2003 (Act) as well as relevant subsidiary legislations empowering the Commission in that regard. It is also in furtherance of the mandate of the Commission to regulate communications services and ensure consumer protection in the sector.
The Commission hereby issues this Amended Guidance for the simplification of tariff plans, bundles and promotional activities that include tariffs. This Guidance is designed to enhance transparency, improve consumer understanding and foster fair competition”.
It doesn’t stop there as the guidelines also elaborate on what is possible: “For the USSD platform, the following information should be included when a subscriber requests details of their tariff plan
o Name of Plan
o Validity Period (if applicable) Indicate rate per second (and rate per
minute) on-net/off-net
o Indicate rate per megabyte/kilobyte/gigabyte
o Indicate rate per SMS on-net/off-net
o The number of Add-ons subscribed to
Additional Conditions for Tariff Approvals
Operators must offer standalone data bundles, at fair prices to avoid tying consumers with products they do not need Bonuses on promotions must be stated in actual value.For all tariff plans, both the Main and Bonus accounts must deplete at rates within stipulated price floors and caps.
Bundles with shorter validity periods should be prioritized for depletion.
Options for subscribers who exhaust their bundle allowance within the stipulated
validity period should include:
o Purchase of a top-up bundle
o Purchase of a new bundle
o Switch to the default rate of his/her plan
Any Operator wishing to offer services on third-party platforms (Banking applications, etc.) at discounted rates must obtain and comply with the explicit approval received from the Commission (Hot Deals, personalized/ below-the-
line offers, Cashback etc.)
Existing personalised offers approved by the Commission can remain active for the duration of the validity period of the approval. However, the Commission will continue to monitor the market and make necessary
interventions when required.
Below-the-line/personalised offers, Fixed/Fixed Wireless Services, and Device
Financing Propositions must be presented for the Commission’s prior approval process.
No one has ever challenged the powers of telecommunications regulators,the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) to regulate the sector which is believed to be the engine room of the economy.
With over 14% contributions to the Gross Domestic Product’s (GDP) and one the biggest single contributors, telecommunications affects every fabric of the Nigerian life.
Understandably then, if the sector players experience haemorhage as a result of economic headwinds, then the economy is truly troubled.
The operators complain loudly that government may have decided to give out telecom services as palliative to Nigerians against the wishes of of Mobile Network Operators (MNOS) therefore suffocating their business.
They alleged that the regulator is playing games, especially against the backdrop of its inability to hearken to their cries of tariff hike.
But the regulator thinks differently as it says the Nigerian Communications Act (2003) especially sections 108 and 109 empowered it to treat such issues in that regard.
The position and powers of the regulator have never been questioned by any of the industry stakeholders. What the operators are saying, for instance, is that some of the regulations by the Commission are so stale that they have little or no impact on modern business operations that can lead to growth or renewal of the industry.
At the time, NCC lost the voice to proclaim the provisions of the Act in Sections 108 and 109 which have no tolerance for the meddlesomeness of a minister or even the President of the Republic if he wanted to supervene. The operators did not also test the provisions of the Act in the Court.
One operator confessed in trepidation that “it’s already very tough doing business in Nigeria. We don’t want the government to come after use with all its powers.”one analyst summed up the NCC imbroglio at a time a Minister,s unnecessary place in the gallery truncated the 10% tariff hike which ended up as a Greek gift .And later short lived thus creating telecommunications as palliative to subscribers who do not have an idea of what operators are living through.
Even the operators are obviously ignorant of the floor price template as another analysis summed it up:
“Once a Floor and a Ceiling have been put in place, playing wthin the band doesn’t need the approval of the NCC,” another source affirmed.
Perhaps in trying to enjoy this regulatory latitude, the operators in 2022 requested for, and got a 10 percent tariff increase on Voice and Data services from the NCC. The Commission reversed itself after a few days, saying the priority of the Minister Isa Pantami was to protect the citizens and ensure justice for all stakeholders. An NCC source told this writer that the reversal was unilaterally done by the minister who coerced the regulator to receive the fall.”
Telecom industry is under heavy burden according to ALTON Chairman, Adebayo.
Emphasizing that without the tariff review, operators cannot continue to guarantee service availability, the ALTON Chairman said though the challenges being faced by the telcos are not new, they have become more acute and more threatening with this passing year.
He noted that rising operational costs, skyrocketing energy costs, the relentless pressure of inflation, and volatile exchange rates, amongst others, have all placed an unsustainable burden on network operators.
Adebayo added that despite these mounting pressures, tariffs have remained stagnant, leaving operators trapped in a financial quagmire.
According to him, the resources needed to maintain, expand, and modernize telecom networks are no longer available and without intervention, “the future of this sector is at grave risk.”
Keeping the sector afloat
The ALTON Chairman noted that stakeholders have done their best over the years to sustain the sector by upholding the values and importance of telecommunications in society.
“However, let me be clear: our work is far from over. It is not enough to have kept the sector afloat; we must now focus on securing its future. The sustainability challenges we face today are not just a passing storm—they are a clarion call for decisive action to ensure that this industry thrives for generations to come.
Due to the increasing costs, telecom operators in Nigeria have since last year been clamouring for an increase in tariffs.
In a joint statement by the Association of Licensed Telecom Operators of Nigeria (ALTON) and The Association of Telecommunication Companies of Nigeria (ATCON), the operators said the telecom industry is the only industry that has not reviewed its prices despite the rising inflation in the country and other economic realities that warrant increment.
They blamed this on the regulatory restraints that have been preventing them from pricing appropriately.
The Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) regulates prices in the telecom industry and telecom operators are not allowed to implement any price change without the regulator’s approval.
The regulator has said a cost-based study is being conducted to determine if it would approve price increments for the operators.
But the 2022 and 2024 proposals as announced by Toriola were truncated in August 2024 when ALTON traded off the proposals because of alleged misrepresentation saying the misrepresentation of the good intention of telecom operators to secure a slight adjustment on end-user tariff on voice calls and data services has led to the carriers slowing down on the push.
The operators, acting under the aegis of Association of Licensed Telecom Operators of Nigeria (ALTON), had sought the imprimatur of the Federal Government, via the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC), to adjust call and data tariff to reflect cost of operation in the country.
The NCC had refused to accede to their demand, a decision insiders said was based on political expediency. In a pushback, the telcos had said their services should not be used as palliative to cushion the impact of ongoing economic hardships in the country.
In May 2022,the mobile network operators (MNOS) proposed 40% increase in tariffs.
The operators under the auspices of Association of Licensed Telecommunication Operators of Nigeria (ALTON), proposed a 40 per cent hike in call and SMS tariffs.
The operators said the decision was necessary considering the rising cost of doing business.
A letter to the NCC said the fee for calls will increase from N6.4 to N8.95 while the price cap for SMS will increase from N4 to N5.61.
The association said the telecommunications industry had been financially challenged by an economic downturn that occurred during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 and the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war.
ALTON added that the introduction of the five percent excise duty on telecom service providers has heightened the burden of multiple taxes and levies on the industry.
“ALTON considers it expedient for the telecommunications sector to undergo periodic cost adjustments through the commission’s intervention in order to minimise the impact of the challenging economic issues faced by our members,” it said.
“Upward review of the price determination for voice and data and SMS. Given the state of the economy and the circa 40 per cent increase in the cost of doing business, we wish to request for an interim administrative review of the mobile (voice) termination rate for voice; administrative data floor price, and cost of SMS as reflected in extant instruments.
“For data services, we wish to request that the commission implements the recommendations in the August 2020 KPMG report on the determination of cost-based pricing for wholesale and retail broadband service in Nigeria. Excerpts from the report are attached and marked ‘Annexure 2’ to provide a further illustration,” it added.
When he spoke unanimously on national tv Toriola said “We at MTN believe we need adjustment of about 100 per cent, I think the industry is pretty much aligned because we are all experiencing the same headwinds. Now, the government is very sensitive to squeezing consumers’ wallets with the pressures that have come from inflation and currency devaluation on consumers.
Toriola was very optimistic that the government of Nigeria will accede to the proposed 100% tariff increase eventually all things being equal.
Toriola carried the cross and burden of the embattled sector when he spoke on national television last week Friday.
While bragging that telecommunications had impacted positively on the economy (he was right anyway) he is worried that not much encouragement has come from government.
But that is where he miscalculated.
Although he felt justified that a tariff increase is sine quanon,there are several untapped layers of this question.
“So, I’m not sure they will give us 100 per cent, but I am optimistic they will give us something substantial and maybe progressively over the course of the year we can have smaller adjustments that will help us to get back to where we need to be,” Toriola said.
The MTN CEO said that almost every other sector in the country, including aviation and power have increased tariffs except the telecoms industry.
According to him, all the bodies that look into the statistics of the telecoms industry globally have disclosed that Nigeria has probably the second or third lowest tariffs in the world on data as well as on voice.
If Toriola and his strange bedfellows return to the Floor price determination of 2016 and 2020 and the various studies carried out in that regard ,he will see a number of windows that could address the nightmare and save both the regulator Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) and the rest of us these agonizing times.
Strangely,non of the operators has hit the maximum threshold of 50 naira per minute because of the competition to outdo each other by playing to the gallery in order to play smart and scurry subscribers attentions.
Opinion
Did Yagba Federal Constituency Rotation Arrangement End in 2011?
By Debo Alabi
Yagba Federal Constituency in the western Kogi senatorial zone, consists of three local councils, namely Mopamuro, Yagba East and Yagba West. In 1999, at the outset of the Fourth Republic political dispensation in Nigeria, each of the three local government areas fielded aspirants for the seat. The Peoples Democratic Party, (PDP), the dominant political association at the time, guaranteed success for its flagbearers. In the run-up to the 1999 polls, all eyes were on the PDP primaries. Shola Ojo, (Mopamuro); Tolorunjuwon Joseph Faniyi (Yagba East), Engr Sunday Karimi and Mrs Margret Orebiyi, (Yagba West) were the frontrunning aspirants. Orebiyi would later step down for Karimi. Despite the superior strength of Yagba West, which consists of 14 electoral wards, four more than Mopamuro and Yagba East with 10 electoral wards apiece, the PDP ticket was eventually decided in favour of Ojo (Mopamuro).
Ojo’s emegence was more of a consensus in an arrangement superintended by party elders under the leadership of the respected patriarch and one of the founding fathers of PDP in Nigeria, the late Chief Sunday Awoniyi. Aspirants from the two other local government areas were prevailed upon by the elders to await their turns in subsequent electoral cycles. Meanwhile, Yagba West fielded a candidate for the 1999 election in the late legal icon, Chief Tunji Arosanyin who was the flagbearer of the defunct All Peoples Party (APP). Ojo, also an attorney, hitherto domiciled in Kano, the formidable hub of commerce in northern Nigeria, went on to win the general election of that year.
Ojo served in the “Green Chamber” from 1999 to 2003. At that time, PDP’s internal, mutual understanding based on the rotation principle expressly asserted that each LGA would serve just one term, after which the position would rotate to another. Contestants for the 2003 PDP ticket included Karimi, Faniyi, Mrs Funmi Abiodun, a lawyer; the Port Harcourt based quantity surveyor and expert in the Marine sector, Bode Olorunsola and J.K Odeyemi, an engineer. The primary election was headed for a runoff between Faniyi and Karimi, but, again, the elders in their wisdom settled for a simple majority. Faniyi picked PDP ticket and he went on to defeat his opponent in the reconfigured APP, which had then become the All Nigeria People’s Party, (ANPP), Mrs Justina Abanida. Abanida, a one time Commissioner for Justice and Attorney General. Abanida, a lawyer, hails from Egbe, Yagba West Council.
For Karimi, the waiting game continued even when the seat berthed in Yagba West. Karimi lost PDP’s ticket to a fellow Yagba West opponent, Samuel Bamidele Aro.. Aro, a successful oil marketer, won the 2007 election into the House of Representatives, which took place on April 21, 2007. He defeated Bolaji Oluwafemi of the defunct Action Congress (AC) and served in the lower parliament until 2011.
The extant rotational arrangement forbade Mopamuro and Yagba East from fielding candidates for the 2007 election. In fairness to the past occupants of the seat, performance was not a yardstick for continuity. Based on the extant zoning template of the PDP, the baton was expected to be passed back to Mopamuro in 2011. However, at the conclusion of his first term in 2011, Aro, the incumbent declared his intention for a second term. Backed by the Kogi State governor at the time, Ibrahim Idris and machinery of the ruling party at the state level, Aro defeated his lone challenger for the PDP ticket, Chief Folorunsho Daniyan, (from Mopamuro). However, the outcome of 2011 primary election that threw up Aro did not sit well with the factional PDP who beckoned on Karimi to step forward in another political party.
Karimi’s name was a last-minute inclusion in the portal of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) as the candidate of Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN). In what turned out a historic protest vote, Karimi defeated PDP’s Aro in the general election held on April 9th, 2011. The strength of the PDP had been further decimated in the aftermath of the controversies that trailed its primaries. Daniyan left PDP and flew the flag of the ANPP. He came third in the general election. For the first time, in 2011, Mopamuro, Yagba West and Yagba East all fielded candidates for the House of Representatives.
The 2011 episode effectively marked the fatal end to one term and rotation of the seat in Yagba Federal Constituency.
Highlights
Karimi got the mandate of Yagba people to represent them in 2011 when he did not aspire for it from the start to the race and when it was supposed to be the turn of Mopamuro. He was not even on the list of aspirants jostling for the much-sought ticket of the PDP in that year’s primaries. He also became the first Yagba man to be reelected, thereby setting the precedence for continuity.
As the sitting Rep, Karimi (Yagba West) returned to his old party (PDP) and sought re-election in 2015. He picked the PDP ticket ahead of Kano based business tycoon, Leke Abejide (Yagba East) and successful civil engineer, Dele Obiniyi (Yagba East).
Karimi went on to win the parliamentary election held on March 28, 2015. He defeated Ganiyu Salaudeen of the Accord Party (AP/Yagba East), Kayode Adegbayo (APC/Yagba East), and Joseph Blessing of the Labour Party (LP/Mopamuro). Note again that all three LGAs fielded candidates in 2015.
Subsequently, Karimi’s record was equalled by Leke Abejide (Yagba East), now on his second term. His back-to-back victory in the 2019 and 2023 elections were achieved under the platform of lesser known African Democratic Congress (ADC).
Instructively, to further butress the point that rotation may have become a thing of the past, Abejide’s victories in both elections were far from a walkover, not for him, not for Yagba East. With the exception of Yagba West, the 2019 edition was keenly contested by aspirants from Mopamuro and Yagba East. A total of 15 candidates registered with the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to contest in the 2019 election. ADC candidate, Abejide won the election, defeating APC’s Henry Abimbola (Mopamuro), PDP’s Fabola James (Yagba East), SDP’s Oluwafemi Iselaiye (Yagba East) and 12 other candidates from Mopamuro and Yagba East. The list of candidates and their parties for the 2019 polls are as follows: Adebayo Kenneth (PPC); Oluropo Odofin Augustine (MPN); Jonathan Ayokunle Olushola (ACCORD): Balogun Blessing Olumayowa (APM); Somidire Comfort (ACPN); Atteh Oladimeji (PPN); Yusuf Mary Oluwatoyin (DA); Isah Saidu (LP); Omowaiye Ete A. (UPP); Omole David Bolorundoro (UPC) and Abdurafiu Ismail (PT).
The all-commers scenario was again replayed in 2023 when Abejide (ADC/Yagba East) ran against Folorunsho Olafemi (APC/Mopamuro), Joseph Faniyi (PDP/Yagba East).and Jeremiah Oladokun (APGA/Yagba East). The list incuded Alonge Victor Oluwabusayo (Accord), Adekunle Komolafe (NNPP), Bamigboye Sunday (ADP), Musa Lasisi (Action Alliance), Jethro Olusegun Solomon (SDP) and Obiniyi Bamidele (YPP).
Rotation Can Only Be By Negotiation, Not Entitlement Claim
Ahead of the 2027 election, a notable Yagba political figure who preferred anonymity due to the sensitive nature of the debate on the continuity of rotation representation told our reporter that based on the foregoing, if at all there would be further adherence to rotation, “it can only be by negotiation, not by entitlement claim”.
He said: “The rotational arrangement for the HOR election in Yagbaland has been a straightforward and adaptable practice since inception. This arrangement was designed to give each local government in the federal constituency a fair opportunity. The Yagba federal constituency comprises three local government areas: Yagba West, Yagba East, and Mopamuro. Historically, Mopamuro was the first local government to benefit from this arrangement in 1999 with Hon. Sola Ojo, followed by Yagba East with Hon. T.J. Faniyi in 2003. In 2007, Hon. Sam Aro benefited from the rotation, and in 2011, it was Yagba West’s turn again with Hon. Sunday Karimi, who served two terms. This two-term pattern continued with Hon. Leke Abejide from Yagba East in 2019, who is currently serving his second term. Ideally, after Hon. Leke Abejide’s second term, Mopamuro local government should be the next to benefit from the rotation and to spend their two terms. However, Mopamuro’s inconsistent adherence to the rotation has been a significant constraint.
In the last two elections, Mopamuro fielded candidates against Hon. Leke Abejide, which was unfortunate as their action demonstrated their disregard for the rotation. Mr Tuesday Abimbola and Engr Folorunsho Olafemi contested twice with Leke Abejide. If they had won, it would have also conflicted the entire process. As an experienced political figure in Yagba federal constituency, I cautioned Mopamuro aspirants to respect the rotation and not contest against Yagba East candidates. Unfortunately, my warnings were ignored, and Mopamuro’s actions have put them at a disadvantage. If Mopamuro had respected the rotation and not contested against Yagba East in the last two elections, it would have been incumbent on Yagba East not to run against them. However, since Mopamuro did contest, Yagba East’s potential third term would alter the rotation cycle, making Yagba West eligible to contest after Yagba East.
It will take a proper consultation and a United front from Mopamuro to sustain their alliance with the rotation which they had kicked against”.
As it were, from the viewpoints of public affairs analysts and political pundits, Mopamuro has held the seat one-term of four years since 1999, Yagba West had 3 terms of 12 years and Yagba East two terms of eight years. From the foregoing, Mopamuro’s agitation to have the 2027 HOR seat is not out of order. The point has also been made for the entrenchment of fairness and equity as well as the sustenance of unity within the region. One can not also rule out the fact that, with the exception of 2003 election, Mopamuro has consistently fielded candidates against candidates from Yagba West and Yagba East.
Twice in 2019 and 2023, the ruling APC conceded its tickets to Mopamuro. Both chances were lost more to internal divisions within the local government. Power is not given; it is taken. The bottomline is that 2027 election doesn’t look like one to be determined by entitlement. Rotation is achievable only by negotiation. Rotation is not a law. Mopamuro must work hard for it, speak with one voice, and present a formidable candidate, as a prerequisite for negotiation.
Effective Representation As a Factor
While the idea of rotation may seem appealing, the performance of the sitting member and the capacity to drive meaningful development and growth are key factors in effective representation, which should not be overlooked going into the 2027 election. Rotation may seem like a fair and equitable approach, but the electorate is also aware it can lead to a lack of continuity and consistency in representation. This also can result in a lack of accountability, as representatives may not feel compelled to deliver on their promises. Furthermore, rotation can lead to a focus on short-term gains rather than long-term development. Again, anyone thinking of running against an incumbent must make a careful examination of whether it can be done.
In the modern-day election pattern in Nigeria, incumbents win elections about 85 percent. An entrenched incumbent is even harder to beat than a more recently elected one. Here are some factors to consider before going into the decision of whether a challenge could be successful. The first step is to consider the overall political environment and the general mood of the electorate. Generally, there are two things that should worry incumbents.
One is whether the electorate perceives that things are on the right track. The other is whether the electorate thinks the incumbent care about them. For any sitting representative who receives favourable ratings from his people—based on these two factors—it will require an out-of
-this-world strategy for any successful challenge to happen.
● Debo Alabi, a public affairs analyst and native of Yagba, writes from Lekki, Lagos
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