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Opinion

ABEG, WHERE IS “WHITE LION”?

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*By Tunde Olusunle*

There’s always the tendency to ascribe our failings and flailings in our developmental and democratic growth as a nation, to our amoeboid leadership recruitment process. I differ slightly though from this perspective. My contention is that prospective leaders must first be identified and groomed before they can be deployed to the various sectors we expect them to function. Tunji Olaopa’s 2022 essay titled “Nigerian Civil Service and the Trajectory of Public Administration” illuminates the evolution of Nigeria’s civil service which was inaugurated in 1954. He alludes in the paper to “a very strong and professional civil service regarded as perhaps the strongest of the colonial legacies bequeathed to Africa.” Olaopa speaks to the “quality of the officers who founded the civil service and the institutional quality of the public service itself.” He lists Nigeria’s “civil service pioneers” to include: Simeon Adebo, Jerome Udoji, Samuel Manuwa, Ahmed Talib, Abubakar Koko, Sule Katagum, Joseph Imoukhuede, Ojimiri Johnson and Fola Ejiwunmi. This generation of public servants Olaopa notes is what we now describe as the “golden age of the public service in Nigeria.”

The second generation of public administrators and civil servants who grazed the limelight between the 1960s to the early 1970s are those popularly described as “super permanent secretaries.” This is the generation of Allison Ayida, Sunday Awoniyi, Liman Ciroma, Philip Asiodu, Abdul Aziz Atta, Festus Adesanoye, Olu Falae, Solomon Akenzua, Francesca Emmanuel, Ahmed Joda, Gilbert Obiajulu Chikelu, Gray Longe, M.A. Ejueyitchie, among others. Olaopa reminds us that the actual core of this generation who were festooned with the broche of “super permanent secretaries” were so described because they were called up at a period of grave national emergency. It was during the Nigerian civil war and they were requested to avail the country their “administrative acumen, competencies and wisdom,” to steer Nigeria through the war and stabilise the polity thereafter.

Olaopa observes that beginning from the 1975 civil service purge by the Murtala Mohammed/Olusegun Obasanjo government and onwards to the era of the Ibrahim Babangida Structural Adjustment Programme, (SAP), a de-institutionalisation process had begun. The concomitant value-orientation of the inherited civil service had been damagingly eroded. He laments that his own generation of permanent secretaries came at an age when, according to him, the service “was already deeply embroiled in the dynamics of the bureau-pathology that had debilitated the civil service.” He laments that his generation of public servants was mentored by the icons of decades past who connected them to the ideals of the golden age “in terms of their passion, professionalism and knowledge-propelled zeal for service.” Such was the archetypal stuff the pioneering Nigerian civil service was made of.

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I needed to lay this background to underscore the rigour, the exertion, the perspiration which typified the discovery and grooming of those who operated the levers of public administration in decades past. They were an integral part of the conceptualisation of government policies and also contributed largely to their actualization. I should equally remind us that the famous, now ancient, “fattening rooms” of the Kalabari, Efik and Ibibio in south south Nigeria admitted women in their puberty and prepared them for womanhood. Among others, they are grilled on marital etiquette, their culinary capacities improved upon even as they were tutored in acceptable social customs and comportment. They were usually admitted in facilities away from their families and could be so boarded for various lengths of time, the minimum being for one month.

Reports in recent weeks and months have alluded to the disappearance of Yahaya Bello, the immediate past governor of Kogi State from the prying lenses of the public and press. The initial rumour was that he had made himself a permanent guest of Lugard House, Lokoja, the government house of the intriguing state capital which sits at the confluence of Nigeria’s two largest rivers, the Niger and the Benue. Not satisfied with the eight full years of his despotic, even demonic over-lordship in Kogi State, he has chosen to encamp permanently within the same facility on an extended post-disengagement vacation. Elsewhere in the media, it has been suggested that Bello is now a permanent member of his successor, Usman Ododo’s convoy on all his travels. Ododo is his official shield from investigators on his trail.

After hectic, sweaty public service immersion over long spells, the tradition has been for public officers to embark on extended holidays and rest. Willie Obiano, immediate past governor of Anambra State, left for the United States on extended rest, immediately after he handed over to his successor Chukwuma Soludo in March 2022. Babatunde Fashola was chief of staff in Lagos State; governor of the state for eight years and minister under the Muhammadu Buhari regime for eight years. He served notice during his valedictory conversations that he wanted to return to be “president” of his home, after being a virtual absentee for 20 years! The practice of former governors pursuing “residency programmes” in the very same addresses where they operated from for years, is novel.

As governor of Kogi State, Bello hailed and serenaded himself, by himself with his own *oriki* whenever he had a microphone. He introduced himself with flourish as “His Excellency, Alhaji Yahaya Adoza Bello, CON, the Executive Governor of Kogi State.” Humility, civility and restraint had no place in his thesaurus. He beaded himself with the moniker of “white lion” and rechristened Government House, Lokoja the “lion’s den.” Yahaya Bello apologists and boot-lickers defaced the public space with billboards celebrating their idol, throwing him in the face of a populace so mercilessly trampled upon by him. He never left people in doubt about his limitless powers as a governor cum demigod who could do whatever he wanted and get away with it.

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Bello cast a permanent pall on the people of Kogi State. Mentions of his name were in cover-mouthed whispers. Remember the depiction of the former Ugandan carnivore, Idi Amin Dada in the film titled *The Rise and Fall of Idi Amin.* The character, Maliya Mungu was his undisguised hitman. Bello reportedly recruited spies in various WhatsApp groups who reported the direction of discourse to him and fed him with the names of his critics. He mutilated the payrolls of hapless civil servants and paid them preposterous percentages. Workers and pensioners dropped dead like flies during his reign, unable to cater for the basic needs of their families. By its very characteristic the economy of Kogi State is fuelled by the civil service. Staccato remittances of workers salaries was therefore going to affect the burgeoning business community in the state.

Elections were weaponised in the vilest of fashions. Bello’s goons were condemned to win every and any election “by force, by fire.” There were mortal consequences for failure. His aides moved around on election days with platoons of vagrants and policemen, scaring voters with gunshots, seizing ballot boxes and rewriting poll results. For dissenting with poll riggers in her unit, hapless woman politician, Salome Abuh was on November 18, 2019, burnt to death in her home in Ochadamu. Bello’s men reportedly dug trenches around Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s community, Ihima, all in a bid to disenfranchise her during the February 2023 senatorial election which she contested. Yahaya Bello indeed corroborated the action saying he was helping to build a security hedge around her during the election.

Yahaya Bello is the first governor I ever heard about, who launched a post-disengagement media and public relations salvage project. Some officials and members of the Nigerian Guild of Editors, (NGE), about a month ago honoured an invitation to visit Kogi State to tour some of Bello’s so-called legacies. Curiously, for all the time the team led by the President of the NGE, Eze Anaba spent in the state, the most senior state official they encountered was the Kogi State information commissioner. They could neither meet Bello at whose instance they visited, nor his successor, Usman Ododo. I sent private notes to some of our colleagues who went on the needless voyage asking them a few questions: Apart from being herded through so-called Yahaya Bello’s achievements, did you go to the streets to find out the last time civil servants and pensioners were paid their monthly entitlements 100%? Did you check about the last time workers were promoted after writing promotion exams? Did you find out how many Permanent Secretaries own official vehicles? Did you try to obtain contract award documents about Yahaya Bello’s so-called “legacy projects?” Did you endeavour to compare with the costs of similar projects elsewhere? Did you ask for example to be driven through the “State Secretariat/House of Assembly/DSS road”? Do you know that all through his years in office, Yahaya Bello didn’t rehabilitate that all-important road?

Bello is validating the title of a classic novel by the legendary American thriller writer, James Hadley Chase. Back in 1957, Chase wrote *The Guilty Are Afraid* a blockbuster which gained global appeal and readership in its days. This is the same Bello who was showcasing his boxing skills to the world on social media, virtually calling for a match with Anthony Joshua. We have seen him working out on the treadmills too, thumping his chest as he reminded us that he will flatten Mike Tyson in a fitness contest. So why wouldn’t Bello move around freely, “flex” as we say in contemporary Nigerian lingo, the way his former contemporaries are free birds? It is uncharacteristic for the lion, king of the wild to be mirrored cringing beneath the bed of his successor.

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We are indeed talking here about a “white lion,” a very rare *albinoid* species native to the *Timbavati* region in South Africa. Public discourse in recent weeks has thrown up the thesis about Bello evading arrest by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, (EFCC) for the monumental heist his regime committed against Kogi State during his reign as *King Herod.* The weekend edition of *Aljazirah* newspaper of April 6 and 7, 2024, had Bello’s photograph and that of the EFCC chairman, Ola Olukoyede with the headline: *Ex-Gov Yahaya Bello Seeks Safety in Kogi Govt House.* Bello is said to be reaching out to former first lady, Aisha Buhari, even as the EFCC is hot on his trail. The President, Bola Tinubu is said to have distanced himself from Bello’s plea to be given a soft landing in his matter.

Yahaya Bello is a very good example of the post-1975 degeneration of the public service to which Olaopa alluded. He was neither scouted for leadership nor was he trained for the job. He was reportedly an anonymous personnel of the Revenue Mobilisation and Fiscal Allocation Commission, (RMFAC). He reportedly made good for himself ostensibly through corrupt enrichment and floated a transport company, *Fairplus Transport* with a handful of mini vans. With this, he sold the impression of a nouveau riche to delegates to the 2015 gubernatorial primary of the All Progressives Congress, (APC). Bello emerged second behind the late governor Abubakar Audu in that contest. He was hoisted to the gubernatorial high stool courtesy of some unprecedented judicial interpretation of the constitution, upon Audu’s mysterious death before the results of the governorship election! We must revert to the leadership grooming process of the pre-independence era and its immediate aftermath to begin the sanitisation of governance and leadership. And beyond the EFCC, Bello should have his day in court to defend his appalling human rights record during his eight year sojourn in Government House, Lokoja. Hopefully, victims of his queer and insensitive governance model will have the last laugh.

*Tunde Olusunle, PhD, is a Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA)*

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Opinion

Adesina is Right, The Presidency is Wrong!

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By Smolette Shittu-Alamu

Dr, Akinwumi Ayodeji Adesina is a PhD holder in Agricultural Economics. He has very intimidating credentials as a globally respected technocrat and scholar. Since the year 2015 he has been the President of the Africa Development Bank (AFDB) the monetary institution based in Abidjan, Cote D’ivoire.

He was re-elected for the same post in 2020 and would complete his second and final term as president AFDB this September. This very respected former Nigerian Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development did serve as a professional technocrat in government and in politics under the Goodluck Ebele Johnathan’s presidency from 2011 to 2015. It was from that post that he went on to serve as president of the Africa Development Bank (AfDB).

Before reaching the global renown and heights he has attained in life as well as the commanding level he has reached today in the global world, the then young little boy had known life as the son of a poor farmer. Therefore he has known the pains of not to have in life. Although he is from Ogun State, he was born and raised in Ibadan like a typical peasant farmer’s child .

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Young Akinwumi attended not a high sounding school names such as Kings College nor Igbobi College; not CMS Grammar School nor St Gregory’s, but the modest Baptist High School in Ejigbo the present day Osun State. At the then University of Ife where he later on studied Agricultural Economics, he was too brilliant and too diligent a lad not to have grabbed the First Class Honours result. Oh yes he did get that.

Thus Adesina became the first ever student in the history of Unife now Obafemi Awolowo University to be awarded first class in Agricultural Economics in 1981. From Purdue University in the United States of America, Akinwumi Ayodeji Adesina bagged the MSc degree in 1985, and the PhD in 1988. His thesis won the Outstanding PhD Thesis Award in 1988.

That same year Akinwumi Adesina won the Rockefeller Foundation’s Social Sciences Fellowship. This award was what launched him into international career as an Africa and Development Expert.
Before becoming a federal minister in Nigeria he had always shown himself to be a firm believer in private sector-led growth for nations especially in the developing world.

He was Vice President in-charge of Policy and Partnership at the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA). In that capacity he had several bold and innovative policies and finance initiatives that leveraged over 4 billion dollars in Bank finance commitments to the African sector .

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He equally served as Associate Director and Regional Director for the Southern Africa Office of the Rockefeller Foundation.
lndeed, we are merely speaking about a Nigerian intellectual who has written about seventy scholarly publications and who as a Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development for only four years (2011-2015) radically changed the perception of the Agric value chain in Nigeria from subsistence to a viable business that attracted 5.6 billion dollars into private sector investment.

The Electronic Wallet system he introduced as Minister, reached some 15 million farmers throughout this country. The system dramatically transformed the levels of farmers in Nigeria. The project succeeded in ending 40 years of corruption in the fertilizer business in Nigeria. By the twist of two fingers, local farmers readily got provided with subsidized farm inputs via their mobile phones.

This is a bold reform but which has had to be carelessly abandoned somehow when he left office. As President of AfDB since 2015 ,he launched the transformation of human lives on the African continent, via his Hi fives programme namely Light up Africa,Ttransform Africa, Power the Continent, Feed Africa and Integrate the Continent’s people so as to save the continent from itsself as an economically backward landmass but which ironically is the richest in the world.

Now to the purpose of this write-up.
Very recently, this highly professional Agric Economist who is the sitting president of the Africa Development Bank (AfDB) spoke out the truth to the Nigerian situation when he drew a comparison between the Nigerian people of 1960 at independence and their counterparts he finds on the streets 65 years later.

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The conclusion Adesina drew was that Nigerians are worse off today then they were in 1960. Somehow this Adesina view has not gone down well with presidential spokesmen in the Villa

In a swift response to what the facts present and Dr. Akinwumi Adesina has only echoed , the presidential megaphone led by Bayo Onanuga who is Special Adviser to the President on lnformation and Strategic Communication condemns the Adesina position and blames him for basing his conclusion on what he calls “figures that do not align with available data.” Onanuga went on to say that ” no objective observer can claim that Nigeria has not made progress since 1960″.

But seriously speaking is Onanuga right? No he is not. In fact he can’t be right. This is because having plenty of money in one’s pocket does not translate into wealth. Or does it?. If the common man fed his family with five or even ten naira in a month in the 1960 years but does so with five hundred thousand naira in a month today, 65 years later would we say such a man has progressed?

Bayo Onanuga went on to say that “even as the nation awaits the NBS’s recaliberation of our GDP, we can comfortably say without contradiction that it is at least 50 times if not 100 times more than it was at independence”. lf our GDP is 100 times more than what it was in 1960 how has that helped us we may ask? We ask.

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The presidential aide also accused the AfDB boss of “speaking like a politician in the mould to Peter Obi but did not do due diligence before making his unverifiable statement”. Habba, Bayo Onanuga.Will an Agricultural Economist like the AfDB boss make an unverifiable statement? Will he? Should he? Will he not do due diligence before he talks about his own country’s. Does he not readily see the result of government initiatives and policies in the people?

Let us be more frank and factual.As President of AfDB can Dr.Adesina truly be said to be some one who does not have economic indices of all African nations at his finger tips?

We may not be experts in Economic matters even as Onanuga wants us to believe. We can give it to him that GDP per capita is not the only criterion we can use to determine whether people live better now than they did in the past. All the same our little understanding of basic Economics tells us it is a poor tool for assessing the living standard of our people. Is GDP per capita not always silent on whether we as Nigerians enjoy better access to health care, education and transportation such as rail, and air now than we did in 1960 65 years back.

Yes Nigeria today has more primary schools, secondary schools, tertiary institutions than she had in 1960. We have more road networks , medical facilities, phone lines accessibility etc. But with a population leap from 45 million in 1960 to the nearly 230 million in 2025, has our population not shot up to about 5 times in 65 years? Is this not a problem? Have our facilities this exponential increase in population growth causes not rendered useless and inaccessible all the imaginary gains?

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Yes every Tom Dick or Harry has access to phones but have the available facilities translated into effective service provision? The answer is a big No. 65 years on, electricity supply to our homes remains on by which band you belong to. A B C or D. Is this something we must be proud of? Does this happen in the developed climes?

Today 65 years after independence, our school system can not contain all our children of school-going age. It is a known fact that 2,000 students in our higher institutions do receive learning in halls meant to sit just about 500 people at a go! The students when they come out can’t access jobs for years and so have to japa in the end.

There is insecurity in the land. Everywhere there is strife, there is disappointment hunger,thirst, frustration and killings. No where is safe today.Yet in 1960 to the 1980 years one could travel the length and breadth of our country without blinking an eye.We had factories that produced or assembled cars,produced batteries brake pads and tyres. Food was very available.

We lived a life of being our brother’s keeper. The poor could eat and did not have to beg nor play tricks to live. Are we not worse at 65 years ago? We all are, except those in the corridors of political power and Yahoo Yahoo practitioners.

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The presidency’s rather dismissive reaction to Dr Akinwumi Adesina’s very clear statement of fact is rather worrisome. We conclude by stating that Dr Adesina is right; but the presidency’s reaction is very wrong. Ethics as moral principles show how people should conduct themselves in social affairs.

Ethics ensure the imposition of obligations on us as public functionaries to refrain from doing or saying whatever things are wrong. Our Presidential Aides must learn to study and develop ethical standards. They must try to live up to reasonable and solidly based conducts.

They must refrain from being often time economical with the truth.They will do this by accepting to stand by the truth always
and be able able to stand on the side of the people they have been invited to serve.

Smolette Adetoyese Shittu-Alamu
Osogbo.Former Director of news osun state broadcasting corporation

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Opinion

CELEBRATING “BRO EHIGIE” AT 70

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By Tunde Olusunle

He turned 70 on Monday May 5, 2025. A thanksgiving service and celebration of the landmark, however, have been scheduled for early June 2025, in Benin City, capital of Edo State, his birthplace. The city is a peculiar cosmopolis steeped in very rich history, confounding myth, even curious mysticism. For those of us who come several decades down the calendar of time with him, his latter day appellations and honorifics are novel to us. The job mobility of my parents precipitated the relocation of our family from Kaduna, capital of the primordial “North Central State,” to Benin City, capitol of the old “Midwestern State,” back in 1972. My father headed the Kaduna branch of “Livestock Feeds Ltd,” which was then a subsidiary of the primordial “Pfizer Nigeria Ltd.” My mother was a nurse and midwife in the employ of the “North Central State Health Management Board.” Our first address was at “Second East Circular Road,” Benin City.

As our family grew, we sought bigger residential facility in the “New Benin District” at the time. Mid-1975, we moved over to “Eresoyen Street,” adjoining “Oziegbe Street” into a property owned by the Uzamere family. The world was a much better place, the Uzameres received us not as lessees of their property, but as extensions of the clan. For *Iye,* Madam Izegbuwa Lucy Uzamere, matriarch of their dynasty, my siblings and I, were as well her children. *Iye’s* eldest child, Osaheni Uzamere, seasoned administrator and subsequently attorney was the head of the family. He took to me specifically because he was an alumnus of the revered Immaculate Conception College, (ICC), Benin City, where I also had my secondary school education. The Uzamere family was predominantly populated by boys. Albert, the youngest of *Iye’s* children was my direct contemporary. We proceeded apace in our various secondary schools. Immediately above Albert was George, who was next to Ehigie.

Long settled out there in the United States of America, (USA), was Ehigie’s immediate elder brother, John, (now of blessed memory). Humphrey and Wellington, half brothers to Ehigie were regularly around. Ehigie was something like the unofficial “head boy” within that space. We all deferred to him which culminated in our christening him *Bro Ehigie.* Despite our sociocultural diversities, Ehigie Uzamere showed leadership amongst us the boys in the house. He was interested in our academic performances and regularly sought updates about our tests and examinations. He would usually call for our answer sheets and report cards. He spotted my proficiency in English language and Literature-in-English and would admonish us on knowledge-sharing. Bro Ehigie soon joined John Uzamere in the US and swore to convince my parents to allow me join him once he was settled. To be sure, he secured admission for me at the State University of New York, (SUNY), not too long after, on the strength of my academic transcripts. I later posted a Division One performance with distinctions in the West African School Certificate Examination, (WASCE) O’Level which I wrote at age 15. My parents feared I was too young to live out of their sight, all by myself at that age, if I was allowed to go abroad.

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Ehigie Uzamere visited home fairly often. From his luggage whenever he came, we gleaned the albums of new and current foreign musical releases. My first physical and auditory encounters with the works of many foreign artists those good old days were from Bro Ehigie’s collections. These include releases by *Ray Parker Jnr;* *Diana Ross; Al Hudson and One Way;* *Sugarhill Gang;* *Bill Summers and Summers Heat;* *Brothers Johnson,* “Stomp;” *Prince,* “I Wanna Be Your Lover,” *Michael Jackson’s* “Off the Wall” and so on. Usually when he holidayed in Benin City, he was hosted to a few gigs by his friends. We the younger troupe would dress our best and tag along with him. My parents were ultra-strict with the rules, especially those years when one was still a precocious early teen. Bro Ehigie’s name, however, could avail you some latitude.

In 1980, my family relocated to Ilorin in Kwara State. After several years in the “diaspora” within the Nigerian context, my parents thought we should gravitate homewards. Telephony was not anywhere as sophisticated as it is today, but somehow, I kept in touch with Benin City. Across the road from the Uzamere’s, were the Ehigators, a family very close to ours. Osabuohien Ehigiator, (may his soul rest in peace) was my very good friend and schoolmate. Through him and members of his family, I was able to stay in touch with our mutual friends in Benin City. After qualifying as an architect in the US, Ehigie Uzamere went against the grain. Whereas many Nigerians who had the opportunity of foreign sojourn opted to stay back in the countries where they schooled, Uzamere returned home. He believed he could contribute to the development of his home country, despite the privilege of dual citizenship.

He underwent the mandatory one-year National Youth Service Corps, (NYSC) with the Bendel Development and Property Authority, (BPDA), which retained his services upon the completion of the exercise. Not too long after, he opted for self-employment and established a chain of private firms with interests in architecture and building; procurement; medical and pharmaceutical hardware; water processing and broadcasting. He ventured into politics and was elected Senator representing Edo South in 2007, and reelected for a second term in 2011. He made history as the first parliamentarian to be elected on the platforms of two different political parties, the Peoples Democratic Party, (PDP) and the Action Congress of Nigeria, (ACN), in Edo State. During his stint in the federal parliament, he helped reposition his senatorial district at the core of national politics. No more the sidelining, the intentional marginalisation of Edo South in the national scheme.

Working with amenable political leaders from his catchment, he galvanised support for the appointment of one of his constituents as Vice Chancellor of the University of Benin. It was the very first time in the life of the institution. He equally anchored the recognition of one of his own as Chief Executive of the Nigerian Institute for Oil Palm Research, (NIFOR), which is domiciled in his senatorial district. In all of these, Uzamere remains renowned for his politics of civility. Not for him the lawlessness, thuggery and violence which typify our politics in parts. You needed to experience his connectedness with the grassroots, the way he was adulated one of those days he picked me up from the airport in Benin City. He is known by a large percentage of the commuter operators in the place and seamlessly code-switched to *Bini* language as he engaged with them. Don’t be surprised when Ehigie Uzamere and I converse in particular ways in pidgin English. We have peculiar expressions understood only by initiates.

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Uzamere’s greatest source of joy, happiness and fulfilment is his beautiful family. He has been married to his very homely wife, Iriagbonse Irowa, for 43 years. The union has been blessed by God with many children and grandchildren. He has a pet name for each of his children even as he eternally dotes on his grandchildren. He never misses any opportunity to have his family congregate under one roof, in his homes, in Benin City, Abuja or Atlanta, especially during festivities. He would spontaneously set up photo shoots for his grandchildren. Contentment and gratitude are typically writ large on his visage. You get the feeling that he would most happily build an expansive palace, bordered by the same perimeters so he could wake up each morning and tour each family unit to see just how everyone is faring.

Uzamere’s loyalty to friendship is phenomenal. In rain or sunshine, he sticks with you. Despite suspicions of the serial subversions of popular will by the nation’s foremost electoral midwife in the 2019 and 2023 presidential elections, he has stuck with his preferred candidate, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, through thick and thin. When he is not on Atiku’s entourage, Uzamere would be on the delegation to receive Atiku at the airport, irrespective of the time of the day. He is not given to prevarication, he’s never on the fence on issues. He takes a position and stays with it. He will remind you that at his age and stature as an elder statesman, it is far too late for him to play the chameleon.

I savoured a meal of home-made rice for dinner with him on one of my visits. It came, wrapped in green leaves, restating Uzamere’s uncommon earthiness, despite his established cosmopolitanism. As I ran out of stew for my meal, he simply picked up my serving of the rice and moved the content into the stew. He remarked in pidgin English: *When soup no plenty again, just transfer the food inside the soup bowl,* he lectured me with an accompanying smile. Uzamere is in the constant business of self-development. He once told me, not too long ago, that he had registered for a masters degree in business administration. I asked why he went back to school. He reminded that former President Olusegun Obasanjo who I worked with, returned to the classroom after being the nation’s leader for two terms, in his 70s.

This is celebrating with a longstanding brother, Ehigie Edobor Uzamere, as he joins the privileged ranks of septuagenarians and wishing him many more years in good health.

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*Tunde Olusunle, PhD, Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA), is an Adjunct Professor of Creative Writing at the University of Abuja*

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Opinion

OF ROYALS AND UNROYAL ENTANGLEMENTS

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By Tunde Olusunle

Royalty enjoyed tremendous reverence when my generation was growing up. As a schoolboy in Benin City those days, the *Oba* savoured profound reverence and conjured trepidation amongst his subjects. He was and still is introduced with the prefix *Omo N’Oba N’Edo Uku Akpolokpolo.* Much as this simply means “His Royal Majesty, the Oba of Benin,” it is without doubt, a jarring mouthful. He is regarded as sole emissary of the supreme deity and possibly a god in his own right, most probably consecrated by cosmic consent. *Oba Akenzua II* was on the throne in my teenage days in Benin City. He loomed large in the public consciousness who barely caught a glimpse of him anywhere. The wholesale mythification of his office was such that his name was conjured to serve as warning and deterrent to potential rabble rousers. The now popular phrase, *You go see Oba* was added to day-to-day, now globalised conversational lexicon in my time. It served as deterrent to mischief and errant conduct. The lawless were thus admonished on circumspection, lest they had to go through the labyrinthine motions of seeking justice or redress before a barely ever seen *Oba.*

I equally keenly followed the trajectory of the immediate past *Ooni of Ife, Oba Okunade Sijuwade, Olubuse II.* Immensely affluent, urbane and classy, he brought elan, style and panache to bear on his office. He was famous for his striking regalia, typically complemented by corresponding accessories and adornments. He breathed style and elegance. The very popular *Forbes magazine* indeed once rated *Ooni Olubuse* as the “third richest royal in Africa” in his time. I was privileged to meet him a few times during his lifetime. I was still a student and member of one of our departmental students associations in school when I had the first encounter with him. Despite his impeccable proficiency in the English language, *Oba Sijuwade* elected to speak Yoruba during most of his engagements. This linguistic preference reinforced the belief that he was truly the mouthpiece of the gods and ancestors. There was always, ever a competent interpreter by his side, usually his long-serving Press Secretary, Funmilola Olorunnisola, himself a ranking Chief of Ile-Ife. The *Ooni* conveyed his thoughts and messages through him to his guests and audiences.

Contemporary royals have dominated the news in recent days and weeks. The manifest unseemly conduct of some of them, is totally at variance with their standings and statuses as traditional rulers. Indeed, their actions in many instances have unwittingly whittled down the historical dignity of the exalted stools they occupy, in the catacombs of otherwise revered palaces. Such custodians of tradition have unknowingly transposed their venerated seats, to the full glare of the public, the marketplace. From Ipetumodu to, Ibadan, to Oyo and to Katsina, in Osun, Oyo and Katsina states respectively, presumed royals have shown up in ways and manners which demean and diminish their offices. Such wholesome devaluation is of necessity impacting the very essence of the institution of natural rulership, passed down from ages and aeons.

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The *Apetu of Ipetumodu,* Oba Joseph Oloyede, was arrested by United States security early 2024 for his role in obtaining COVID-19 relief funds estimated at $4.2million, fraudulently. While his subjects anticipated the return of their king from what was supposed to be a routine visit to the US, Oloyede had been answering charges before Justice Christopher Boyko, of the US District Court of Ohio. He reportedly colluded with a certain Edward Oluwasanmi, a Nigerian-American clergyman, with whom he defrauded the US system of resources designated as buffer for US small businesses and nonprofit organisations experiencing pandemic-related revenue losses. Court documents reportedly referenced falsified applications for “Paycheck Protection Programme Loans and Economic Injury Disaster Loans, under the US Coronavirus Air, Relief and Economic Recovery Act” submitted by Oloyede and Oluwasanmi.

Both men deployed fake tax and wage documents to secure funds intended to help struggling businesses keep afloat during the COVID-19 plague. Oloyede received about half of the $4.2million, scammed by him and his compatriot, Oluwasanmi. He reportedly invested his portion of the heist in real estate in the US. Oloyede by the way, was installed the Oba of his community in 2019. His profile as a travelled and affluent person counted amongst other considerations for the 62-year old monarch. His present engagement with the US justice system may yet torchlight other probable underhand financial dealings in the course of his long sojourn in the country in which earned him a residency. This is as his subjects remain in shock and bewilderment over such unsavoury revelations concerning a leader they once exalted.

The *Ooni of Ife, Oba Adeyeye Enitan Ogunwusi, the Ojaja II,* recently had a spat with the *Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Abimbola Owoade.* at an event in Ibadan. Wife of the President, Oluremi Tinubu was guest of the Oyo State Government and both monarchs were invited to the programme. As the *Ooni* made his way to his seat, every traditional ruler on his route honoured him by rising to welcome him. The *Alaafin,* however, refused to rise up, even as he shook hands with the *Ooni* from his seating position. There is a long history about the rivalry for preeminence between the *Alaafin* and the *Ooni.* It was partially resolved when the administration of President Ibrahim Babangida created two states, Oyo and Osun, out of the erstwhile Oyo State. Both rulers were venerated as the *Numero Uno* monarchs in the various states. As the Ibadan incident revealed, however, animosity abounds between the *Ooni* who is 50, and the *Alaafin* who is 49, beyond the historical acrimony. A more recent reason has been adduced for the beef between both royals.

Decades ago, a US-based Nigerian of Yoruba descent, Efuntola Oseijeman Adelabu Adefummi, conceived of a “Yoruba village” to serve as a melting pot for Yorubas in the US. It was supposed to be a “home away from home” where the Yoruba essence will be celebrated. This vision berthed the *Oyotunji African Village* located in Beaufort County, South Carolina, in 1970. Efuntola Adefunmi the visioner was installed *Oba* of the “village.” *Ooni Ojaja* has in the past, been requested by the leadership of *Oyotunji* to mediate during disputes and conflicts plaguing the village and he had always willingly sent emissaries. It has been suggested that *Alaafin Owoade* has been wrongfully briefed that his rulership of Oyo, encompasses *Oyotunji* which in reality is an address for all Yorubas from Nigeria, Benin Republic, Togo, Brazil and so on. This has been adduced as probable reason for the grouse between both men.

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A recent incident where one Chief Lukman Ojora Arounfale, the *Baba Oba of Oyotunji African Village* was allegedly assaulted in the *Alaafin’s* palace on the orders of the king, lends credence to the bile between him and the *Ooni.* The scenario which played out on Thursday April 17, 2025, was linked to the bitterness between the *Alaafin* and the *Ooni.* It fits the narrative that the *Alaafin* in reality conceives of *Oyotunji* as a diaspora extension of his kingdom. Chief Lukman Atounfale, we are told, died from injuries he sustained in the brutal attack on him and his wife, in the *Alaafin’s* abode in Oyo. Such are the dimensions of controversies which have trailed the teething weeks and months of the reign of *Alaafin Owoade* who was only installed in January 2025, by Governor Makinde.

Overzealous palace guards, *dogarai,* working for the Emir of Katsina, Abdulmumini Kabir Usman last weekend, broke the glass entrance into the Katsina home of Dikko Radda, Governor of the state. Radda had given out one of his daughters in marriage earlier that day and was hosting dignitaries including President Bola Tinubu to a reception at his address. State protocol and security regulations prescribe that once the President or guest-in-chief is already seated at a function, late comers are shut out. It was bad enough that Emir Kabir Usman came long after the nation’s chief executive was already settled. It was worse that his *fatawa* dared to bring down a section of the home of the chief host of the President. It was an utterly disrespectful act which underlined the operational manual in effect in the palace of the Emir. Let’s hope the Emir has sent pertinent formal apologies to Tinubu and Radda, principally.

At every opportunity, traditional rulers are known to have canvassed specific roles for themselves in the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. This seems plausible given their proximity to the mass of Nigerians especially in the distant hinterlands and deep recesses of our vast national space. Against the backdrop of reported misuse of authority which we recently gleaned in the palace of the *Alaafin,* can our royals be trusted to manage gazetted authority? Two weeks after the assault and subsequent demise of Lukman Ojora Arounfale which was ascribed to *Alaafin Owoade,* we are yet to read a rejoinder. Wouldn’t aides of natural rulers like Dr Kabir Usman of the Katsina emirate, incorporate bulldozers in the vehicular convoy of their Principal as they journey through the emirate? The roofs of the homes of many of the Emir’s subjects who are in the quietude of their sanctuaries, may just be decapitated for not being on the streets paying obeisance to the king?

Our royals must reinvent themselves and re-perspectivise their offices. They are not “Highnesses” and “Majesties” simply for personal ennoblement. Their positions and honorifics bear immense relevance to the history and sociocultural identities of our diverse peoples. The onus is on them to restore relevance and reverence to our traditional institutions in a global sense. It is their responsibility to protect and preserve our cultures from adulteration, abuse and extinction. We should not pass down diminished and dismembered histories, narratives and beliefs, to successor generations.

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*Tunde Olusunle, PhD, Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA), teaches Creative Writing at the University of Abuja*

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