Opinion

ABEG, WHERE IS “WHITE LION”?

Published

9 months ago

April 13, 2024

*By Tunde Olusunle*

There’s always the tendency to ascribe our failings and flailings in our developmental and democratic growth as a nation, to our amoeboid leadership recruitment process. I differ slightly though from this perspective. My contention is that prospective leaders must first be identified and groomed before they can be deployed to the various sectors we expect them to function. Tunji Olaopa’s 2022 essay titled “Nigerian Civil Service and the Trajectory of Public Administration” illuminates the evolution of Nigeria’s civil service which was inaugurated in 1954. He alludes in the paper to “a very strong and professional civil service regarded as perhaps the strongest of the colonial legacies bequeathed to Africa.” Olaopa speaks to the “quality of the officers who founded the civil service and the institutional quality of the public service itself.” He lists Nigeria’s “civil service pioneers” to include: Simeon Adebo, Jerome Udoji, Samuel Manuwa, Ahmed Talib, Abubakar Koko, Sule Katagum, Joseph Imoukhuede, Ojimiri Johnson and Fola Ejiwunmi. This generation of public servants Olaopa notes is what we now describe as the “golden age of the public service in Nigeria.”

The second generation of public administrators and civil servants who grazed the limelight between the 1960s to the early 1970s are those popularly described as “super permanent secretaries.” This is the generation of Allison Ayida, Sunday Awoniyi, Liman Ciroma, Philip Asiodu, Abdul Aziz Atta, Festus Adesanoye, Olu Falae, Solomon Akenzua, Francesca Emmanuel, Ahmed Joda, Gilbert Obiajulu Chikelu, Gray Longe, M.A. Ejueyitchie, among others. Olaopa reminds us that the actual core of this generation who were festooned with the broche of “super permanent secretaries” were so described because they were called up at a period of grave national emergency. It was during the Nigerian civil war and they were requested to avail the country their “administrative acumen, competencies and wisdom,” to steer Nigeria through the war and stabilise the polity thereafter.

Olaopa observes that beginning from the 1975 civil service purge by the Murtala Mohammed/Olusegun Obasanjo government and onwards to the era of the Ibrahim Babangida Structural Adjustment Programme, (SAP), a de-institutionalisation process had begun. The concomitant value-orientation of the inherited civil service had been damagingly eroded. He laments that his own generation of permanent secretaries came at an age when, according to him, the service “was already deeply embroiled in the dynamics of the bureau-pathology that had debilitated the civil service.” He laments that his generation of public servants was mentored by the icons of decades past who connected them to the ideals of the golden age “in terms of their passion, professionalism and knowledge-propelled zeal for service.” Such was the archetypal stuff the pioneering Nigerian civil service was made of.

I needed to lay this background to underscore the rigour, the exertion, the perspiration which typified the discovery and grooming of those who operated the levers of public administration in decades past. They were an integral part of the conceptualisation of government policies and also contributed largely to their actualization. I should equally remind us that the famous, now ancient, “fattening rooms” of the Kalabari, Efik and Ibibio in south south Nigeria admitted women in their puberty and prepared them for womanhood. Among others, they are grilled on marital etiquette, their culinary capacities improved upon even as they were tutored in acceptable social customs and comportment. They were usually admitted in facilities away from their families and could be so boarded for various lengths of time, the minimum being for one month.

Reports in recent weeks and months have alluded to the disappearance of Yahaya Bello, the immediate past governor of Kogi State from the prying lenses of the public and press. The initial rumour was that he had made himself a permanent guest of Lugard House, Lokoja, the government house of the intriguing state capital which sits at the confluence of Nigeria’s two largest rivers, the Niger and the Benue. Not satisfied with the eight full years of his despotic, even demonic over-lordship in Kogi State, he has chosen to encamp permanently within the same facility on an extended post-disengagement vacation. Elsewhere in the media, it has been suggested that Bello is now a permanent member of his successor, Usman Ododo’s convoy on all his travels. Ododo is his official shield from investigators on his trail.

After hectic, sweaty public service immersion over long spells, the tradition has been for public officers to embark on extended holidays and rest. Willie Obiano, immediate past governor of Anambra State, left for the United States on extended rest, immediately after he handed over to his successor Chukwuma Soludo in March 2022. Babatunde Fashola was chief of staff in Lagos State; governor of the state for eight years and minister under the Muhammadu Buhari regime for eight years. He served notice during his valedictory conversations that he wanted to return to be “president” of his home, after being a virtual absentee for 20 years! The practice of former governors pursuing “residency programmes” in the very same addresses where they operated from for years, is novel.

As governor of Kogi State, Bello hailed and serenaded himself, by himself with his own *oriki* whenever he had a microphone. He introduced himself with flourish as “His Excellency, Alhaji Yahaya Adoza Bello, CON, the Executive Governor of Kogi State.” Humility, civility and restraint had no place in his thesaurus. He beaded himself with the moniker of “white lion” and rechristened Government House, Lokoja the “lion’s den.” Yahaya Bello apologists and boot-lickers defaced the public space with billboards celebrating their idol, throwing him in the face of a populace so mercilessly trampled upon by him. He never left people in doubt about his limitless powers as a governor cum demigod who could do whatever he wanted and get away with it.

Bello cast a permanent pall on the people of Kogi State. Mentions of his name were in cover-mouthed whispers. Remember the depiction of the former Ugandan carnivore, Idi Amin Dada in the film titled *The Rise and Fall of Idi Amin.* The character, Maliya Mungu was his undisguised hitman. Bello reportedly recruited spies in various WhatsApp groups who reported the direction of discourse to him and fed him with the names of his critics. He mutilated the payrolls of hapless civil servants and paid them preposterous percentages. Workers and pensioners dropped dead like flies during his reign, unable to cater for the basic needs of their families. By its very characteristic the economy of Kogi State is fuelled by the civil service. Staccato remittances of workers salaries was therefore going to affect the burgeoning business community in the state.

Elections were weaponised in the vilest of fashions. Bello’s goons were condemned to win every and any election “by force, by fire.” There were mortal consequences for failure. His aides moved around on election days with platoons of vagrants and policemen, scaring voters with gunshots, seizing ballot boxes and rewriting poll results. For dissenting with poll riggers in her unit, hapless woman politician, Salome Abuh was on November 18, 2019, burnt to death in her home in Ochadamu. Bello’s men reportedly dug trenches around Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s community, Ihima, all in a bid to disenfranchise her during the February 2023 senatorial election which she contested. Yahaya Bello indeed corroborated the action saying he was helping to build a security hedge around her during the election.

Yahaya Bello is the first governor I ever heard about, who launched a post-disengagement media and public relations salvage project. Some officials and members of the Nigerian Guild of Editors, (NGE), about a month ago honoured an invitation to visit Kogi State to tour some of Bello’s so-called legacies. Curiously, for all the time the team led by the President of the NGE, Eze Anaba spent in the state, the most senior state official they encountered was the Kogi State information commissioner. They could neither meet Bello at whose instance they visited, nor his successor, Usman Ododo. I sent private notes to some of our colleagues who went on the needless voyage asking them a few questions: Apart from being herded through so-called Yahaya Bello’s achievements, did you go to the streets to find out the last time civil servants and pensioners were paid their monthly entitlements 100%? Did you check about the last time workers were promoted after writing promotion exams? Did you find out how many Permanent Secretaries own official vehicles? Did you try to obtain contract award documents about Yahaya Bello’s so-called “legacy projects?” Did you endeavour to compare with the costs of similar projects elsewhere? Did you ask for example to be driven through the “State Secretariat/House of Assembly/DSS road”? Do you know that all through his years in office, Yahaya Bello didn’t rehabilitate that all-important road?

Bello is validating the title of a classic novel by the legendary American thriller writer, James Hadley Chase. Back in 1957, Chase wrote *The Guilty Are Afraid* a blockbuster which gained global appeal and readership in its days. This is the same Bello who was showcasing his boxing skills to the world on social media, virtually calling for a match with Anthony Joshua. We have seen him working out on the treadmills too, thumping his chest as he reminded us that he will flatten Mike Tyson in a fitness contest. So why wouldn’t Bello move around freely, “flex” as we say in contemporary Nigerian lingo, the way his former contemporaries are free birds? It is uncharacteristic for the lion, king of the wild to be mirrored cringing beneath the bed of his successor.

We are indeed talking here about a “white lion,” a very rare *albinoid* species native to the *Timbavati* region in South Africa. Public discourse in recent weeks has thrown up the thesis about Bello evading arrest by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, (EFCC) for the monumental heist his regime committed against Kogi State during his reign as *King Herod.* The weekend edition of *Aljazirah* newspaper of April 6 and 7, 2024, had Bello’s photograph and that of the EFCC chairman, Ola Olukoyede with the headline: *Ex-Gov Yahaya Bello Seeks Safety in Kogi Govt House.* Bello is said to be reaching out to former first lady, Aisha Buhari, even as the EFCC is hot on his trail. The President, Bola Tinubu is said to have distanced himself from Bello’s plea to be given a soft landing in his matter.

Yahaya Bello is a very good example of the post-1975 degeneration of the public service to which Olaopa alluded. He was neither scouted for leadership nor was he trained for the job. He was reportedly an anonymous personnel of the Revenue Mobilisation and Fiscal Allocation Commission, (RMFAC). He reportedly made good for himself ostensibly through corrupt enrichment and floated a transport company, *Fairplus Transport* with a handful of mini vans. With this, he sold the impression of a nouveau riche to delegates to the 2015 gubernatorial primary of the All Progressives Congress, (APC). Bello emerged second behind the late governor Abubakar Audu in that contest. He was hoisted to the gubernatorial high stool courtesy of some unprecedented judicial interpretation of the constitution, upon Audu’s mysterious death before the results of the governorship election! We must revert to the leadership grooming process of the pre-independence era and its immediate aftermath to begin the sanitisation of governance and leadership. And beyond the EFCC, Bello should have his day in court to defend his appalling human rights record during his eight year sojourn in Government House, Lokoja. Hopefully, victims of his queer and insensitive governance model will have the last laugh.

*Tunde Olusunle, PhD, is a Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA)*

Opinion

OF DEMOCRACY COMPASS, 2027 ELECTIONS GAMBIT, AND GHANA’S CHALLENGE

Published

11 hours ago

January 2, 2025

Naijablitznews

BY BOLAJI AFOLABI

Concerned about the many uninspiring, and despairing postures, actions, comments, and positions of the political class to issues of nation building, cross-sectoral development, and national cohesion, the writer did a treatise which was published in the last few days of 2024. Conscious of encouraging political developments in a neighboring country, the piece; “Ghana, Raising The Bar of Democracy in Africa” was intended to challenge Nigerian politicians to change their approach to politics; and raise national issues beyond unnecessary politicking. Also, to attract some measures of citizens believability; ingeniously use politics as a veritable platform for national growth and development. As well as deploying politics as vehicle for the promotion of unity, peace, and tranquility amongst Nigerians irrespective of tribe, ethnicity, religion, and other categorization.

Given the flurry of reactions, comments, and requests by readers, at home and abroad, which by the way are humbling and inspiring , an encore to the earlier piece becomes inevitable. Moreso, a developing political matter between Leaders of some opposition parties has made this compelling.

As Nigerians were looking forward to welcoming the New Year; whilst bidding 2024 a timely exit with the numerous personal difficulties, tensions, and challenges people experienced, the political atmosphere was charged by one of the top politicians. Rabiu Musa Kwankwanso, presidential candidate of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) at the 2023 general elections made some daring allegations, and damning revelations. The Kano-born water engineer has traversed Nigeria’s politics, and public service occupying various juicy positions. At various times, he was Deputy Speaker, House of Representatives; Kano state Governor; Defence Minister; and Senator. Indeed, in his over three decades visibility in Nigeria’s political and governance landscape is among the few and privileged people to have both legislative and executive experiences.

Typical of his nature and style, Kwankwanso had a no-holds barred interview with the Hausa Service of the British Broadcasting Service (BBC). Described as bold, frank, and fearless by his admirers, he was audacious, unapologetic, and fiery in his responses. In the engaging, thought provoking, and revealing interview, Kwankwanso said inter alia, “I was terrified about the information that I got that the PDP are meeting clerics and other leaders and in their last meeting, which involved about 45 clerics, that we reached an agreement that Atiku (Abubakar) will serve one term, and myself will also serve one term and Peter Obi will serve two terms. This is a lie, I never took part in any agreement. This is completely false; such an agreement never existed.”

Not done yet, Kwankwanso in his staccato shots declared that, “I was deeply angered about the information. Elderly people aged 70 to 80 years will sit and lie, telling clerics and other leaders something that never happened. With this (these) lies, we can’t believe such people that they can only serve one term in office if you entrust them with leadership.” The two-terms Kano state Governor revealed that, “such lies and deceit are precisely why we left. Myself, Peter Obi, Wike, and others all left.” Confident of his position, he alluded that, “Iam still alive and healthy, there is no way you can assemble over 40 people without me having 2 or 3 among them that will inform me of what transpired. This is not good for personality to lie. In such incident, if a government is formed on the basis of lies, it’s like starting a foundation on a week structure.”

Perhaps unknown to Kwankwanso, these allegations are not only weighty but has opened the pandora box about what transpired between personalities, groups, and associations in the opposition ranks before the 2023 presidential election. Perhaps, it could be deliberate, or unintended, there are some uncompleted comments, missing gaps that will provoke further enquiries. One is confident that, some day, in the nearest future, the true-story of what happened before, during, and after the last presidential election will be unearth. Nigerians would be curious to know what led to the loss of opposition parties in an election that people believed the uninspiring performance of Muhammadu Buhari should profit them. Scholars, students, policy makers, and analysts would want to know reasons behind the exits of Kwankwanso, and Obi from the umbrella party, which opened the flanks of opposition such that they were painfully and pitiably divided into three parties; PDP, LP, NNPP before the elections.

Sadly, the Kwankwanso’s diatribe, cobwebbed shape of leading opposition parties, and undisguised desperation for power by some politicians when juxtaposed with the realities on ground, paints terribly low image of Nigeria’s politics. The PDP is patently and sharply divided to almost irredeemable position. With litany of cases over its neck, it appears the party swims in perpetual crisis. The Labour Party (LP) is no better as it has its own share of issues which bothers on leadership. A party that have three individuals laying claim to National Chairman cannot be taken seriously. That Governor Alex Otti of Abia state allegedly ensured the victory of Zenith Labour Party (ZLP) at the Local Government elections speaks volumes about the LP. Even Kwankwanso’s NNPP is experiencing it’s share of political turmoil. The unfolding crisis is sweeping through the party’s national working committee; national executive council; and national assembly. Indeed, other smaller political parties in the opposition ranks are bedeviled with varied degree of factionalisation.

Discerning Nigerians are saddened that few leaders in opposition parties are dissipating energies and resources towards gaining upper hand for the 2027 election, in a rudderless and unconscious manner. Apolitical minds conclude that the approach will further exacerbate crisis within the parties. Some analysts wonder why few leaders are eternally fixated on having their names feature on the ballot, that they have refused to see the imperative of resolution of crisis, consensus building, and realistic party growth as the critical issues of the moment. A school of thought argues that the resort to propaganda, misinformation, and falsehood by few leaders which is geared towards the hoodwink, blackmail, and submission of perceived political enemies, and opponents will boomerang. Another school of thought opines that since opposition parties have continually failed to elicit citizens confidence and believe, largely due to the craze, and penchant for “grab-it-all” and selfish, arrogant posturing of some leaders, the desire to win power remains a long ambition.

It is good to romanticize, and wish that the Ghana scenario happens in Nigeria. However, the focus, intent, and operations of politicking in Nigeria differs from what is obtained in Ghana. Pathetically, our political parties are only concerned about elections; participating and (likely) winning. Politicians pay little or no attention to party growth and development. Whereas in Ghana, politicians devote time, resources, and enablement into building, deepening, and nurturing political parties. Can the political class; especially opposition parties in Nigeria dedicatedly follow the template of Ghana’s leading opposition party, the National Democratic Congress (NDC)? Since it lost presidential and parliamentary elections to the National People’s Party (NPP) in 2016, the entire leadership, elders, and critical stakeholders in the party remained faithful. Unlike here where opposition lawmakers cross-carpet to the ruling party with the speed of light, such action is unheard of in Ghana. Rather than embark on ludicrous and irresponsible defections, Ghanaian politicians stay back, stay through, and resolutely determined in building opposition.

True, the 2027 general elections is not far away. Rather than engaging in theatrical positioning, and hysterical posturing in the quest for party-control, leaders of opposition should embark on sincere, and serious clean-up of selves, and by extension parties. They must relegate arrogance, personal ambitions, stubborn pursuit of power, and similar tendencies to the background. With the preponderance of socio-economic challenges in the country, the opposition parties must paper all the cracks, mend the bends, and resolve all issues towards playing it’s role effectively and efficiently. They must take enduring lessons from the NDC, who for years grew the party to the level at which Ghanaians chose it over and above the ruling NPP. They did not only mouth but worked assiduously for political power-change. However, it is instructive to note that in all these years, Ghanaian president-elect; John Mahama Dramani was the face of opposition in truth and deed.

* BOLAJI AFOLABI, a development communications specialist was with the Office of Public Affairs in The Presidency.

Opinion

WHITHER BUHARI IN THE NIGER – ECOWAS – NIGERIA IMPASSE?

Published

11 hours ago

January 2, 2025

Naijablitznews

By Tunde Olusunle

Nigeria’s northern geopolitical neighbour, Niger Republic, was effectively an annex of our country under the rulership of the immediate past President, Muhammadu Buhari. At every given opportunity, Buhari never failed to advertise the consanguineal connectivities between him as an individual, and Niger Republic, and indeed between his traditional sociocultural origins in Daura in Katsina State, and Maradi prefecture in Niger Republic. He confirmed he had cousins across the Nigerian border and even threatened to relocate to Niger if he suffered any discomfiture from Nigerians, as he disembarked from office in 2023. Buhari and his Nigerien counterpart who shares a slightly moderated first name with him, Mahamadou Issoufou, both signed an agreement in July 2018, for Nigeria to extend oil pipelines to Niger, and to build a refinery in that country, at the cost of $2Billion, fully bankrolled by Nigeria.

Under Buhari, a 286-kilometre long rail line to connect Nigeria and Niger, was approved by Buhari’s federal executive council, (FEC), in September 2020. The Kano- Katsina- Jibiya- Maradi rail link is costing Nigeria a staggering sum of $1.959 Billion. Buhari’s successor, Bola Tinubu inherited the project which was 35 per cent completed in 2023, and is proceeding with its completion. It should be ready before the end of 2026. The June 2021 edition of a publication which goes by the name *The Africa Report,* indeed asked a rhetorical question, occasioned by Buhari’s obsession with Niger, and Nigeria’s glaring economically lopsided investments in the desert nation. The document inquired: “What is it about Buhari’s passion for his northern neighbour, the Republic of Niger? Is it economic or commercial logic, altruism or just family and ethnic ties?” Buhari’s spokesman, Femi Adesina in a February 10, 2021 edition of *Arise News* proffered that: “Jibiya and Maradi constitute a significant trading core between Nigeria and Niger Republic dating back many centuries. This vital infrastructure will establish an end-to-end logistic in railway transport services before northern and southern sections of the country, reaching Nigeria’s southern ports of Lagos and Warri.”

Added to these prodigal investments in a virtual wasteland was Buhari’s procurement of sports utility vehicles, (SUVs) valued at *$2.7million* for senior government officials in the employ of Niger Republic, in August 2021. Buhari during his years as helmsman, practically developed Niger with Nigeria’s commonwealth at a time Nigerians were suffering, and are still groaning from the buffeting spinoffs of multisectoral lack, deprivation, hunger, insecurity and despair, precipitated by his leadership. Ochereome Nnana, respected columnist with Nigeria’s *Vanguard* newspaper, provided insights into Buhari’s consangiunity with Niger Republic in the November 25, 2020 edition of his column. His words: “Buhari is a first generation Nigerian whose father, Ardo Adamu Buhari, a dock seller, migrated from Niger and settled in Nigeria. He married Zulaihat, a Nigerian woman who bore Muhammadu Buhari for him.”

Establishing this foundation is imperative for our investigation of the subsisting diplomatic fissions between Niger Republic and the Economic Community of West African States, ECOWAS), on one hand. There is also the estrangement of Niger, with Nigeria which President, Bola Tinubu, doubles as ECOWAS Chairman, in another breadth. Tinubu’s leadership of the regional grouping was renewed for a second term, at a meeting of leaders of member countries last December. The Niger Republic/ECOWAS/Nigeria stalemate which began in 2023, has stretched into a second year. Specifically on July 26, 2023, the commander of the presidential guard in Niger, Abdourahamane Tchiani, arrested and detained the incumbent democratically elected President, Mahamadou Bazoum. Tchiani proclaimed himself the new leader of a new military adventurers in that country. The coupists suspended the country’s Constitution and refused entreaties to reinstate the ousted President. Nigeria’s President, Tinubu was barely two months in office at the time, and had just assumed the leadership of ECOWAS, shortly before eruption of the Nigerien crisis. He threatened that Nigeria may consider leading an ECOWAS force to dislodge the mutineers if they didn’t restore Niger Republic’s Constitution and President Bazoum.

Tinubu despatched President Patrice Talon of Benin Republic to Niamey to mediate in the governance crisis in the brother West African country. A wholly Nigerian delegation led by Nigeria’s former military Head of State, Abdulsalami Abubakar, was also emplaced by Tinubu on the same impasse. This bouquet of diplomatic engagements, however, yielded no tangible results. Rather, Tchiani and his colleagues dug in. They were emboldened by precedents in Burkina Faso, Guinea and Mali, where the military establishment had upset the apple cart of popular governance in the west coast and formed new alliances with Russia, as counterpoint to their erstwhile colonisers, France. Alongside Burkina Faso and Mali, Niger has since exited ECOWAS and formed a three-nation mutual defence partnership which they christened the *Alliance of Sahel States, (ASS).*

If you ask me, the onset of the Nigerien crisis was a most appropriate opportunity to engage and test former President Muhammadu Buhari’s touted relationship with the northerly nation. If he was not specifically beckoned upon by Tinubu to avail his immediate successor his services, it would not have been out of place for Buhari to offer himself to help out with the Nigerien face-off. He shares the same sociocultural background with the Nigeriens across our borders. As President, Buhari clearly and needlessly over-romanced Niger Republic at the expense of our national till. He did so much for that country with funds borrowed in the name of Nigeria, which will be continously serviced for decades to come by successor generations. He should be confident of a red carpet if he was to mediate in the logjam. While Buhari played *Santa Claus* in Niger, the educational, healthcare, agricultural, defence, infrastructural sectors in Nigeria were grossly under-funded. We are talking about the blind investment of well over *$4 Billion* frittered in the sands of Sahara desert.

Say what you like about him, Olusegun Obasanjo the first democratically enthroned President of Nigeria’s fourth republic has continually acquitted himself as a preeminent leader and statesman, in and out of office. His stature looms large, his tentacles embedded in time and space. While on a visit to Nigeria July 16, 2003, former President Fradique de Menezes of *Sao Tome and Principe,* was deposed by the military back home. A flustered Obasanjo who wouldn’t brook such a putsch especially when the victim was his guest, held Menezes by the hands, took him in his aircraft and flew him back home to Sao Tome. The typically humorous Obasanjo reassured his guest as much as possible in the course of the trip, that he will be restored. Obasanjo jokingly said to his beleaguered Sao Tome counterpart: “If there is shooting within the perimeters of the airport at the point of the descent of my plane, my pilots will abort touchdown and head back to the skies,” as he tried to crack up his brooding guest. By July 23, 2003, one week after Menezes’s initial dislodgement, Obasanjo reinstated him to the delight of the international community.

Mathieu Kerekou and Boni Yaya, both former Presidents of the Republic of Benin, Nigeria’s western neighbours, were regular guests of Nigeria during the Obasanjo years. They often never had to fly and just drove to meet their host in Badagry in Lagos State, or Otta in Ogun State. In response to cross-border robberies, smuggling and child-trafficking considered injurious to Nigeria’s peace and economy, Obasanjo never spared any chance to padlock the Nigeria-Benin borders. The attendant socioeconomic asphyxiation of these border seal-ups to Benin Republic, compelled regular entreaties by successive Beninoise governments to Nigeria. The sing-song was always for Nigeria to conceive of and treat the small French-speaking country as its *37th state.* Such was the worth of Nigeria in regional politics. Obasanjo continues to be called upon across the world, to add width to issues of democracy, politics, governance, peace and international affairs. That is an essential patriarch.

Former President Goodluck Jonathan has recently been on the road across West Africa as Special Envoy of ECOWAS. He has been leading mediation talks across the subregion, especially in Mali, one of the rebelling member countries of the body. Indeed, Jonathan is Chair of the “West African Elders Forum,” a senior advisory body committed to peace and stability in West Africa. In August 2022, Jonathan led the “Electoral Observation Mission” of the *Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa,* to monitor the presidential polls which produced William Ruto as president of Kenya. In January 2024, Jonathan headlined a group of multidisciplinary experts from across the Commonwealth to observe the elections in the Asian country of Pakistan. The brief of the body was to offer independent and comprehensive assessment of the electoral process in the country on that occasion.

Buhari’s deputy during his time as President, Yemi Osinbajo, SAN, was in July 2023, less than six weeks after he left office, appointed *Global Advisor to Global Energy Alliance for People and Planet, (GEAPP).* The body is an agglomeration of philanthropists, local entrepreneurs, governments and financing partners. Last August, Osinbajo and Peter Obi, presidential candidate of the Labour Party, (LP), at the 2023 presidential election, were guests of the 2024 “Democratic National Convention” in Chicago in the United States. The National Democratic Institute, (NDI), organisers of the convention is a nonprofit, non-partisan organisation pushing democratic values around the world. These are just aspects of concerns and engagements to which Osinbajo has been adding vistas since he departed *Aso Villa* in May 2023.

I’ve always wondered what worth, what value Buhari, one of Nigeria’s most privileged public officers of all time, has ever impacted to the broad gamut of governance and politics in Nigeria. At various times, Buhari was Military Governor; Federal Commissioner, (more contemporaneously Minister); Military Head of State and civilian President. Despite this string of enviable adornments, I’m yet to see Buhari present a paper at any conference; lead a cerebral discussion at any forum; or headline a symposium or conference on the national question. I’m yet to see his memoirs or autobiography where he shares perspectives on the special privileges Nigeria has availed him and how he has in turn been beneficial to the national cause. I’m tempted to conclude that Buhari unimaginatively, unforgivably frittered the collective calendars, the patrimony and emotions of Nigerians, especially during his eight year reign, better branded “Nigeria’s years of the locusts.” Buhari had little to offer and he offered nothing.

*Tunde Olusunle, PhD, Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA), teaches Creative Writing at the University of Abuja*

Opinion

CBN ,NCC and DMBs on the N250b USSD debts

Published

2 days ago

January 1, 2025

Naijablitznews

By Sonny Aragba-Akpore

After over five years of bickerings on the debts owed by Money Deposit Banks(DMBs) for Unstructured Supplementary Service Data (USSD) platforms,respite is underway.

USSD is the platform through which bank customers transfer money digitally on their phones without resorting to the internet.

USSD banking is an SMS-based mobile banking service, where a USSD shortcode is used to access financial services like transfers, bill payments, airtime among others.
Unstructured Supplementary Service Data (USSD) allows users without a smartphone or data/internet connection to use mobile banking through codes specific to each bank.

There is however a 150.18 percent decline in USSD usage for financial transactions as users move to Internet banking.

According to the CBN, the total transaction value with USSD was N2.19 trillion between January and June 2024, a decline of 54.75 percent from N4.84 trillion in the same period of 2023.

The volume of transactions fell by 150.18 percent to 252.06 million from 630.6 million.

In 2021 when GSM services turned 20 in Nigeria the then Group Managing Director of Zenith Bank Plc, Mr Ebenezer Onyeagwu, said, “The introduction of USSD changed everything. Without telecoms infrastructure, there is no USSD code.”

But this sentiment is not shared by many bank executives including Segun Agbaje, CEO of GTCO, who recently stated, “If you want to charge N20 for the service, go ahead. But collect it yourself. Don’t come to us.”

According to industry sources, the non-payment of this debt, which telcos peg at N250 billion, has led to an investment slowdown in USSD infrastructure.

The December 20,2024 joint memo by CBN and NCC seeks to clean up the protracted USSD mess and enforce payment timelines.

> While the banks own the accounts,the Mobile Network Operators (MNOS) own the networks.

> But there have been disagreements on payment terms that have plagued the banking and telecommunications sectors so much that the Central Bank (CBN) and the Nigerian Communications Commission ( NCC) had to intervene several times in the past to see how the matter could be resolved.

> All that failed until December 20,2024 when a circular was endorsed by both regulators on the way forward.

The Circular signed by Ag Director, Banking Payments System Department at CBN ,Oladimeji Yisa Taiwo and Chizua Whyte,Head,Legal and Regulatory Services at the NCC stated that:

> the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC)
> are deeply concerned that the protracted dispute between Deposit Money Banks (DMBs) and
> Mobile Network Operators (MNO) over the usage of the MNOs USSD platform for banking
> services has remained unresolved despite best efforts.

> “In view of the foregoing, the CBN and the NCC hereby direct DMBs and MNOs as follows:
> . That sixty per cent 60% of all pre-API invoices must be paid as full and final settlement
> of such invoices. In this regard, payment plans (lump sum or installments) must be
> agreed between a concerned DMB and MNO by January 2, 2025. For the avoidance
> of doubt, where installmental payment is proposed by a DMB, such proposal must be
> based on equal monthly instalments, and payment must be completed by July 2, 2025
> at the latest. That in furtherance of earlier resolutions by the CBN and the NCC, M B s must pay
> eighty-five per cent (85%) of all outstanding invoices issued after the implementation
> of Application Programming Interfaces (API) (i.e. February 2022) between the
> concerned DMB and MNO (i.e. post-API debts) by December 31, 2024. Similarly,
> eighty-five per cent (85%) of all future invoices must be liquidated within one month
> of service of the invoice.

> .That subject to satisfactory implementation of the directives in Paragraphs 1 and 2
> above and in furtherance of the understanding between DMBs and MNOs on
> transition to End-User Billing (EUB), the NCC will activate the necessary regulatory
> processes to revert to EUB. Only MNOs and DMBs in full compliance with
> Paragraphs 1 and 2 above will be allowed to transition to EUB.

The NCC and the CBN
> will provide guidance on public enlightenment measures in respect of the transition in
> due course.

> .That pending completion of the transitional arrangements in Paragraph 3 above,
> MNOs are to adopt the “10-seconds rule” for USSD invoicing. This means that any
> USSD session lasting less than ten seconds is not billable.

> .DMBs on prepaid billing would also have the opportunity to migrate to EUB subject
> to conclusion of the regulatory processes stated in Paragraph 3 above.
> That DMBs and MNOs should immediately discontinue any legal proceedings on the subject matter forthwith.

The circular advised that “DMBs and MNOs should immediately discontinue any litigation by them or on
> their behalf on the matter.DMBs and MNOs are directed to ensure full implementation of the Directives
> contained in this Joint Circular and to note that non-compliance will attract
> necessary sanctions within the respective regulatory powers of the CBN and the NCC”.
Gbenga Adebayo,an Engineer and Chairman of Association of Licensed Telecommunications Operators of Nigeria (ALTON) confirmed the development saying:
“The dispute over Unstructured Supplementary Service Data (USSD) charges between Nigerian banks and telecommunications companies (telcos) has been ongoing since 2019. The disagreement centers on who should bear the costs associated with USSD services used for financial transactions. “

“In October 2019, the issue became public when banks refused to pay for USSD services utilized by their customers, proposing instead that telcos adopt end-user billing. Telcos disagreed, citing potential double billing and regulatory restrictions.

By August 2020, the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) reported that banks owed telcos approximately ₦17 billion in USSD charges. “

Despite regulatory interventions, the debt continued to accumulate, reaching about ₦42 billion by 2020 and further increasing in subsequent years. “
“As of December 2024, the outstanding USSD debt is estimated at ₦250 billion.

The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and the NCC have issued directives for banks and telcos to settle this debt, with specific payment plans and deadlines extending into 2025. “

He explained in summary, that the USSD debt between Nigerian banks and telcos has been outstanding for over five years, originating in 2019 and persisting through to the present day sadly “.

On Friday December 27,2024 the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) approved the disconnection of Exchange Telecommunications Ltd. from MTN Nigeria network due to the non-settlement of interconnect charges.
The commission made this known in a public notice signed by Reuben Muoka, the Public Affairs Director at NCC,”The Exchange Telecommunications is a local and international interconnect carrier.
The Nigerian Communications Commission hereby notifies the public that approval has been granted for the disconnection of Exchange Telecommunications Ltd.
(Exchange) from MTN Nigeria Communications Ltd. (MTN) as a result of non-settlement of interconnect charges,” NCC said.

The commission noted that the Exchange was notified of the application and was given opportunity to comment and state its case.

It said that the commission, having examined the application and circumstances surrounding the indebtedness, determined that the Exchange does not have sufficient reason for non-payment of the interconnect charges.

NCC said the disconnection of the Exchange Telecommunications to MTN was in accordance with Section 100 of the Nigerian Communications Act, 2003 and the Guidelines on Procedure for Granting Approval to Disconnect Telecommunications Operators, 2012.
“At the expiration of five days from the date of this notice, MTN will discontinue passing voice and data traffic through Exchange and will, thereafter, utilise alternative channels in interconnecting with other network service
providers.