By Tunde Olusunle

Nigeria’s South East geopolitical zone has courted global notoriety for the multipronged crimes and criminality which has festered over the years. In several public engagements, I’ve had reason to comment on this lingering malaise which never seems to abate. First I wrote “Gunsmoke from the East,” published in The Guardian of August 9, 2021. I equally engaged the subject in “Unknown Gunmen, November 6 and the Epidemic of Bloodletting,” which appeared in The Cable of October 6, 2021. The needless hemorrhaging of precious, oftentimes innocent, definitively irreplaceable lives in the mould of day-to-day Nigerians, technocrats, businessmen, security personnel, cannot be more discomforting. “Travel advisories” emanating from the diplomatic outposts of several countries with nationals in Nigeria, typically classify the South East as a “no-go zone.” Reports from a few friends who spent the last yuletide in their eastern homeland, however, allude to a measure of sanity in the region within the season. Kidnappings were scantily recorded, killings barely reported. Let’s see how the minimisation of blood flow within the season, is sustained for our collective good.

As tribute to the innovations they were bringing to bear on governance and administration in their respective addresses, I had reason to salute governors Alex Otti of Abia, Chukwuma Soludo of Anambra and Mohammed Bago of Niger State in an overview I did last year. The piece was titled “Plaudits for Otti, Soludo and Bago,” and published in Thisday of May 24, 2024. I acknowledged Otti’s frugality and clear-headed focus on multisectoral development, as against the dour, colourless stint of Okezie Ikpeazu his predecessor. Soludo won me over for his determination to encourage and further deepen the development of homegrown competencies and products, while prosecuting an infrastructural makeover of Anambra State. Bago’s recourse to the conscientious development of agriculture in his infinitely blessed state, for local sufficiency and the economic sustenance of his constituents, remains remarkable.

Soludo and Otti are in the news again playing the roles of pan-Nigerian statesmen and helping to paper up the cracks of the edifice of our togetherness as a nation. The percentage parochialism which Nigeria witnessed during the ruinous eight years of Muhammadu Buhari at the helm of national politics and governance, was only comparable to the divisive rhetoric of Nigeria’s pre-civil war era. Buhari exhumed the fossils of our latent ethno-religious fault lines, intentionally imposing a Fulani hegemony on Nigeria to the consternation of the mass of his Nigerian constituents. He said in the early days of his administration, that sections of the country which gave him five percent of their votes, would reap similar measures in political appointments and project appropriation. Buhari made good his threat to a large extent. He punitively appointed Igbos to marginal ministries like Labour and Employment, as well as Science and Technology!

Early last year, Soludo appointed Joachim Achor and Adebayo Ojeyinka as Permanent Secretaries in the Civil Service of Anambra State. Achor is from Abia State, while Ojeyinka hails from Osun State. Ojeyinka by the way was engaged in the Anambra bureaucracy by the third republic governor of the state, Chukwuemeka Ezeife. Okwadike as Ezeife was famously adulated, led the state between January 1992 and November 1993. Ojeyinka grew through the ranks in the Anambra system, logging over three decades before his elevation last year. The process which produced him was merit-based. It included a computer-based examination, an engaging search process including security verification, and a one-on-one interaction with the governor.

Southwards from Awka, the Anambra State capital, Alex Otti of Abia State last week appointed Benson Ojeikere as the new Head of Service of the Abia State Civil Service. A little over 30 years ago, Ojeikere underwent the National Youth Service Corps, (NYSC) in Abia State. He emerged the best participant in the mandatory one-year exercise and was granted automatic employment by the incumbent regime at the time. It is a measure of his qualities and the implicit confidence reposed in him by successive administrations in Abia State, that Ojeikere’s brief before his recent elevation was that of Permanent Secretary in Government House, Umuahia. At Ojeikere’s inauguration, governor Otti re-echoed the sentiments of Soludo, his counterpart in Anambra State. He spoke of the imperative to “build a system where meritocracy triumphs over mediocrity, where the best and brightest can rise to the top, regardless of their ethnic backgrounds.”

This same pan-Nigerian vision, has successively informed the broad-arms embrace of Nigerians from all over into the scheme of governance in Lagos State, for example, over the years. Lai Mohammed, (Information Minister under the Buhari regime) from Kwara, and Rauf Aregbesola, (former Governor of Osun State and immediate past Minister for Interior), from Osun, savoured national political limelight under the Bola Tinubu governorship in Lagos, between 1999 and 2007. Dele Alake, (incumbent Minister for Solid Minerals); Opeyemi Bamidele, (Leader of the Senate), both from Ekiti, and Biodun Faleke, (a ranking member of the House of Representatives) who is primarily from Kogi State, are all alumni of the Tinubu “Lagos School.” Indeed, between Tinubu’s addresses as Governor of Lagos State and National Leader of the All Progressives Congress, (APC), his media advisers, Segun Ayobolu, Sunday Dare and Tunde Rahman, hail from Kogi, Oyo and Osun states.

If the sociocultural backgrounds of the above listed is unanimously Yoruba, if they bear etymological consangiunity with Lagos State, how about Ben Akabueze, who was commissioner for budget and economic planning under Tinubu in 2007 and thereafter Director-General of the Budget Office under Buhari? How about Joe Igbokwe, a serving Special Adviser to Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu of Lagos? As Governor of Edo State, Adams Oshiomhole took along with him from the labour movement, Olaitan Oyerinde who served as his Principal Secretary. Sadl, Oyerinde was assassinated in May 2012, a matter which remains unresolved like most other murder cases in our country. All through his years as Governor of Bayelsa State, Henry Seriake Dickson had with him Francis Otah Agbo from Idomaland in Benue State, as one of his closest aides and confidants. Dickson indeed supported Agbo to vie for a seat in the House of Representatives which he won.

Between 1999 and 2007, Sheddy Ozoene from Enugu State was Chief Press Secretary to the Governor of Delta State, James Ibori. Back in 2003, Festus Adebayo from Ondo State, was Special Assistant, (Public Policy Analysis) to the Enugu State Governor at the time, Chimaroke Nnamani. As governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El Rufai had Adebisi Lawal, from Ogun State and Muyiwa Adekeye, from Kwara State as his advisers on Investment, and Media, respectively. Fausat Adebola Ibikunle, also from the Yoruba country was his Commissioner for Housing and Urban Development. Veteran journalist Bala Dan-Abu from Kogi State was spokesperson for the immediate past governor of Taraba State, Darius Ishaku. The foregoing discourse is apposite because it attests to the feasibility and sustainability of authentic integration in our socioculturally divergent polity, if intentionally prosecuted.

Except deployed for political mischief, except triggered by hard-line extremists, ethnicity and religion are barely divisive elements in our coexistence as a people. This reminds of a section of the lyrics of the song Me and You No Be Enemy, with the refrain “We Suppose to Be Family,” by Lagbaja, a post-Fela Anikulapo-Kuti Afrobeats legend. The song was released over two decades ago. Lagbaja’s treatise contends that if the colour of our tongues is the sole measure of our individual origins and backgrounds, humans from all over the world could all have evolved from the same biological roots! All tongues are red, Lagbaja reaffirms, while asking rhetorically what the distinguishing features would be, between a Nigerian and a Ghanaian; an Indian and a Pakistani; an English man and an American, if they stood in a file line.

By acknowledging and rewarding competence and merit as against sectionalism and parochialism in statecraft, Soludo and Otti have proven to us that we can together build a genuinely egalitarian country. We can draw from the diverse pool of human resource abundance available to us as a country to propel this country to greater heights at every level. Six Nigerians: Azeez Butali, Ijeoma Opara, Oluwatomi Akindele, Eno Ebong, Oluwasanmi Koyejo and Abidemi Ajiboye, medics, engineers and professors, were recently honoured by outgoing American President, Joe Biden. They received the Presidential Early Career Award for Scientists and Engineers, (PECASE). Their country of primary origin was not a parameter for measuring their intellectual and professional competencies, even as Biden’s successor, Donald Trump, once caustically categorised Nigeria as a shit hole country.

The colours of the skins and eyes of the Nigerians so acknowledged by Biden didn’t matter. The quality and value with they continue to avail to humanity was uppermost. Food for thought for leaders intent on imprinting landmarks on the aisles of time.

Tunde Olusunle, PhD, Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA), teaches Creative Writing at the University of Abuja

By Tunde Olusunle

A studious interrogation of his educational background, offers some insight into the experiences which crystallised into his latter day exertions as a left-inclined personality and public figure. He studied Economics at the University of Port Harcourt, posting a second class upper performance with honours. He encountered acclaimed radical theorists, Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Vladimir Lenin and so on in the course of his studies and research. He was mentored by the famous, radical political economist, Bade Onimode, Emeritus Deputy Vice Chancellor of the University of Ibadan, who sadly passed at 57 in 2001, among a cream of other influencers. He would thereafter pursue a career in journalism, opting for the labour beat in a vocation which was undergoing very rapid professionalisation at the time.

The Kano-based *Triumph* newspapers was his first address back in 1981. It was a milieu during which almost each of Nigeria’s 19 states owned print and electronic media organisations. He thereafter underwent the mandatory one-year National Youth Service Corps, (NYSC), at the upcoming *Concord* newspapers in Lagos, between 1985 and 1986. He was engaged upon the completion of his NYSC, at the national headquarters of the Nigeria Labour Congress, (NLC). He thus became one of the country’s first university graduates employed by the nation’s foremost umbrella association for Nigerian workers. The gravitation of young technocrats like him was thenceforth going to energise the labour superstructure and impact public perception of the labour movement in Nigeria.

Born in Ijagbo in Kwara State, January 8, 1961, Issa Obalowu Aremu’s life is as cosmopolitan as can be imagined. His untiring quest for knowledge has taken him around and about his home country and beyond. He has traversed educational institutions in Ilorin, Kwara State; Zaria, Kaduna State; Port Harcourt, Rivers State; Jos, Plateau State; Maryland in the United States of America, (USA), and The Hague in the Netherlands. The journey of his life has been populated by significant milestones all the way. He headed the Economics and Research Department of the NLC headquarters domiciled in Lagos at the time, between 1987 and 1989. He was on the Senior Executive Course 27 of the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies, (NIPSS), graduating in 2005. He would later serve for two terms, 2013 to 2017, as Secretary-General of the Alumni Association of NIPSS, known by the acronym *AANI.* He was Vice President of the NLC for two terms, stretching from 2007 to 2015.

While on this assignment, Issa Aremu was tapped as a Delegate of the Organised Labour, to the National Conference convened by Nigeria’s former President Goodluck Jonathan in 2014, and was Deputy Chairman of the Committee on Civil Society, Labour, Youths and Sports. Aremu previously described the Conference as “wasteful and diversionary.” He canvassed good governance, in place of talkshops. His perspective was different, however, after his participation in the Conference. He confirmed in a television interview that about 500 recommendations were proposed by the assembly to issues at the heart of the nation, which received concurrence by consensus. He alluded to labour-related issues such as workers’ remuneration; pensions and gratuities; hours of work and maternity duration as some of the issues canvassed by the organised Labour.

On May 18, 2021, Issa Aremu widely known in labour and trade union circles as *Comrade,* was appointed Director-General of the Michael Imoudu National Institute for Labour Studies, (MINILS), by the immediate past President, Muhammadu Buhari. The institute was established by the administration of Nigeria’s Second Republic President, Usman Shehu Shagari, in 1983. It has been suggested that Senate Leader in that era, Olusola Saraki, was largely influential in siting the institution in Kwara State, the charismatic politician’s home state. This tallies with the latter day disposition of the older Saraki’s son, Bukola, governor of Kwara State between 2003 to 2011, who substantially assisted with the construction and modernisation of structures in the institute. MINILS is supervised by the Federal Ministry of Labour and Employment. It is headquartered in Ilorin, Kwara State, with a number of regional outposts in select states across the country. Aremu thus became the very first core, career trade and labour practitioner to be appointed to the position.

Aremu has successfully undertaken the renovation of the training block of the institution and installed solar facilities for the supply of energy to the directorate, administrative, training and education blocks, as well as the resource centre of the organisation. From time to time, he rehabilitates the dirt access from the Ajasse-Ipo road approach, to the institution’s main gate, to ensure motorability. The said road is long overdue for asphalt or concrete tarring, both for the convenience of commuters and the health of other users, presently condemned to dangerous, daily dust inhalation. The parent ministry of the institute is reportedly collaborating with its parastatal, MINILS, and the Government of Kwara State to make the perimeters and precincts of the institution much better. Former Senate President, Bukola Saraki and his successor, Abdulfatah Ahmed, were very supportive of the physical development of the institute. They built accommodation facilities and resource infrastructures to augment the evolution of MINILS.

There is, reportedly, continuing tripartite dialogue about how best to relocate illegal vendors and hawkers lining the major approach entrance into MINILS, as soon as feasible. Parties in the talks are said to include the Kwara State Government; the Federal Ministry of Labour and Employment, and MINILS. The tertiary institution is reputed to be the only such establishment, solely devoted to capacity building for labour and trade unionists on the west coast of Africa. It is imperative to impose more sightly aesthetics around and about the 42 year old institute, both for Nigerian nationals, and potential foreign subscribers and partners. The sprawling beauty into which the older University of Ilorin within the same city as MINILS has evolved into, has become a veritable inspiration for other tertiary institutions in Kwara State. MINILS under Aremu’s leadership last year, successfully hosted the *10th National Labour Summit* in its Ilorin facility.

Unknown to many, Issa Aremu is indeed a public scholar with many published works to his credit. These include: *The Crises of Pricing Petroleum Products in Nigeria,* and *The National Union of Textiles, Garments and Tailors,* both published in 2001. In 2015, four anthologies of Aremu’s essays were released namely: *Reflections on Friends, Comrades and Heroes;* *Reflections on Industry and Economy;* *Reflections on Labour and Trade Unions* and *Reflections on Africa and Global Affairs.* The reputable *Malthouse Press,* in Ibadan did professional justice to the aesthetics of the books. Creative alternative titles, however, should have been deployed to distinguish all four publications which titles begin with the word “Reflections.” Synonyms like “Thoughts,” “Musings,” even “Thinkings” are credible possibilities.

Aremu who still finds time to contribute to issues on the front burner of public discourse, from time to time, had previously functioned as Member, National Executive Council of the NLC and General Secretary, National Union of Textile, Garment and Tailoring Workers of Nigeria, (NUTGTWN). He was Board Member, National Salaries, Incomes and Wages Commission, (NSIWC), and Vice President, Industrial Global Union, representing over 50 million members globally. Apart from NIPSS, Aremu was at the Institute for Social Studies, (ISS), The Hague, Netherlands from 1990 to 1991, from where he obtained a masters degree in Labour and Development. He was also at the George Meany Centre of the National Labour College in the United States, in 2003.

Issa Aremu wears an almost permanent smile on his face. He attempted the governorship of Kwara State in 2019, on the platform of the Labour Party, (LP). His endeavours as a Comrade over time have been acknowledged at various times. A Member of the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies, (NIPSS), since 2005, the *mni* appellation is affixed to his name. He also received the Nigerian Productivity Order of Merit, (NPOM) in 2014, and the *Gold Prize Public Service Award* in 2024. He enjoys debate and cycling. He is happily married to Khadijat Aremu and blessed with children. His family has attuned to his lifelong career on the frontlines of trade and labour unionism.

*Tunde Olusunle, PhD, Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA), teaches Creative Writing at the University of Abuja*

BY BOLAJI AFOLABI

Concerned about the many uninspiring, and despairing postures, actions, comments, and positions of the political class to issues of nation building, cross-sectoral development, and national cohesion, the writer did a treatise which was published in the last few days of 2024. Conscious of encouraging political developments in a neighboring country, the piece; “Ghana, Raising The Bar of Democracy in Africa” was intended to challenge Nigerian politicians to change their approach to politics; and raise national issues beyond unnecessary politicking. Also, to attract some measures of citizens believability; ingeniously use politics as a veritable platform for national growth and development. As well as deploying politics as vehicle for the promotion of unity, peace, and tranquility amongst Nigerians irrespective of tribe, ethnicity, religion, and other categorization.

Given the flurry of reactions, comments, and requests by readers, at home and abroad, which by the way are humbling and inspiring , an encore to the earlier piece becomes inevitable. Moreso, a developing political matter between Leaders of some opposition parties has made this compelling.

As Nigerians were looking forward to welcoming the New Year; whilst bidding 2024 a timely exit with the numerous personal difficulties, tensions, and challenges people experienced, the political atmosphere was charged by one of the top politicians. Rabiu Musa Kwankwanso, presidential candidate of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) at the 2023 general elections made some daring allegations, and damning revelations. The Kano-born water engineer has traversed Nigeria’s politics, and public service occupying various juicy positions. At various times, he was Deputy Speaker, House of Representatives; Kano state Governor; Defence Minister; and Senator. Indeed, in his over three decades visibility in Nigeria’s political and governance landscape is among the few and privileged people to have both legislative and executive experiences.

Typical of his nature and style, Kwankwanso had a no-holds barred interview with the Hausa Service of the British Broadcasting Service (BBC). Described as bold, frank, and fearless by his admirers, he was audacious, unapologetic, and fiery in his responses. In the engaging, thought provoking, and revealing interview, Kwankwanso said inter alia, “I was terrified about the information that I got that the PDP are meeting clerics and other leaders and in their last meeting, which involved about 45 clerics, that we reached an agreement that Atiku (Abubakar) will serve one term, and myself will also serve one term and Peter Obi will serve two terms. This is a lie, I never took part in any agreement. This is completely false; such an agreement never existed.”

Not done yet, Kwankwanso in his staccato shots declared that, “I was deeply angered about the information. Elderly people aged 70 to 80 years will sit and lie, telling clerics and other leaders something that never happened. With this (these) lies, we can’t believe such people that they can only serve one term in office if you entrust them with leadership.” The two-terms Kano state Governor revealed that, “such lies and deceit are precisely why we left. Myself, Peter Obi, Wike, and others all left.” Confident of his position, he alluded that, “Iam still alive and healthy, there is no way you can assemble over 40 people without me having 2 or 3 among them that will inform me of what transpired. This is not good for personality to lie. In such incident, if a government is formed on the basis of lies, it’s like starting a foundation on a week structure.”

Perhaps unknown to Kwankwanso, these allegations are not only weighty but has opened the pandora box about what transpired between personalities, groups, and associations in the opposition ranks before the 2023 presidential election. Perhaps, it could be deliberate, or unintended, there are some uncompleted comments, missing gaps that will provoke further enquiries. One is confident that, some day, in the nearest future, the true-story of what happened before, during, and after the last presidential election will be unearth. Nigerians would be curious to know what led to the loss of opposition parties in an election that people believed the uninspiring performance of Muhammadu Buhari should profit them. Scholars, students, policy makers, and analysts would want to know reasons behind the exits of Kwankwanso, and Obi from the umbrella party, which opened the flanks of opposition such that they were painfully and pitiably divided into three parties; PDP, LP, NNPP before the elections.

Sadly, the Kwankwanso’s diatribe, cobwebbed shape of leading opposition parties, and undisguised desperation for power by some politicians when juxtaposed with the realities on ground, paints terribly low image of Nigeria’s politics. The PDP is patently and sharply divided to almost irredeemable position. With litany of cases over its neck, it appears the party swims in perpetual crisis. The Labour Party (LP) is no better as it has its own share of issues which bothers on leadership. A party that have three individuals laying claim to National Chairman cannot be taken seriously. That Governor Alex Otti of Abia state allegedly ensured the victory of Zenith Labour Party (ZLP) at the Local Government elections speaks volumes about the LP. Even Kwankwanso’s NNPP is experiencing it’s share of political turmoil. The unfolding crisis is sweeping through the party’s national working committee; national executive council; and national assembly. Indeed, other smaller political parties in the opposition ranks are bedeviled with varied degree of factionalisation.

Discerning Nigerians are saddened that few leaders in opposition parties are dissipating energies and resources towards gaining upper hand for the 2027 election, in a rudderless and unconscious manner. Apolitical minds conclude that the approach will further exacerbate crisis within the parties. Some analysts wonder why few leaders are eternally fixated on having their names feature on the ballot, that they have refused to see the imperative of resolution of crisis, consensus building, and realistic party growth as the critical issues of the moment. A school of thought argues that the resort to propaganda, misinformation, and falsehood by few leaders which is geared towards the hoodwink, blackmail, and submission of perceived political enemies, and opponents will boomerang. Another school of thought opines that since opposition parties have continually failed to elicit citizens confidence and believe, largely due to the craze, and penchant for “grab-it-all” and selfish, arrogant posturing of some leaders, the desire to win power remains a long ambition.

It is good to romanticize, and wish that the Ghana scenario happens in Nigeria. However, the focus, intent, and operations of politicking in Nigeria differs from what is obtained in Ghana. Pathetically, our political parties are only concerned about elections; participating and (likely) winning. Politicians pay little or no attention to party growth and development. Whereas in Ghana, politicians devote time, resources, and enablement into building, deepening, and nurturing political parties. Can the political class; especially opposition parties in Nigeria dedicatedly follow the template of Ghana’s leading opposition party, the National Democratic Congress (NDC)? Since it lost presidential and parliamentary elections to the National People’s Party (NPP) in 2016, the entire leadership, elders, and critical stakeholders in the party remained faithful. Unlike here where opposition lawmakers cross-carpet to the ruling party with the speed of light, such action is unheard of in Ghana. Rather than embark on ludicrous and irresponsible defections, Ghanaian politicians stay back, stay through, and resolutely determined in building opposition.

True, the 2027 general elections is not far away. Rather than engaging in theatrical positioning, and hysterical posturing in the quest for party-control, leaders of opposition should embark on sincere, and serious clean-up of selves, and by extension parties. They must relegate arrogance, personal ambitions, stubborn pursuit of power, and similar tendencies to the background. With the preponderance of socio-economic challenges in the country, the opposition parties must paper all the cracks, mend the bends, and resolve all issues towards playing it’s role effectively and efficiently. They must take enduring lessons from the NDC, who for years grew the party to the level at which Ghanaians chose it over and above the ruling NPP. They did not only mouth but worked assiduously for political power-change. However, it is instructive to note that in all these years, Ghanaian president-elect; John Mahama Dramani was the face of opposition in truth and deed.

* BOLAJI AFOLABI, a development communications specialist was with the Office of Public Affairs in The Presidency.