Opinion
MICHAEL IMOUDU INSTITUTE: INSULTING OUR HEROES PAST
By Tunde Olusunle
Saturday June 22, 2024 will mark the 19th anniversary of the departure of Michael Athokhamien Omnibus Imoudu, the legendary, veteran Nigerian labour leader. Born in 1902, *Pa Imoudu* as he is popularly remembered and revered, exceeded the full century mark in age, living up to 102 years. As far back as 1931 when he was just 29, Imoudu got involved in labour union activities as a member of the *Railway Workers Union,* (RWU), at the time. He became President of the union in 1939, and spearheaded the advocacy for higher wages, de-casualisation and improved working conditions. Renowned for his radicalism, Imoudu instigated several confrontations between workers and employers all in the quest for better deals for workers. He became Vice President of the African Civil Servants Technical Workers Union, (ACSTWU) in 1941 and was at the fore of the advocacy for a *Cost of Living Allowance,* (COLA), to mitigate post-World War II inflation.
He was serially queried for denouncing the preferential treatment accorded European officials above African personnel between 1941 and 1943, and summarily dismissed early January 1943. He was thereafter detained for dissent and released in 1945. For the period between 1947 and 1958, Imoudu was a frontliner of various labour unions. He was President of the Trade Union Congress of Nigeria, (TUCN). Conflicts devolving from the teething organisation culminated in his suspension in 1960, upon his return from the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, (USSR) and China. For his pioneering role in trade unionism in Nigeria, the former National Institute for Labour Studies, (NILS), located in Ilorin, the Kwara State capital, was renamed *Michael Imoudu National Institute for Labour Studies,* (MINILS), in his honour.
The colourful Second Republic Senate leader and legendary politician, Abubakar Olusola Saraki is credited with facilitating the siting of the institution in the Kwara State capital. Former President Usman Shehu Shagari laid its foundation stone in May 1983. MINILS received tremendous support during the governorship regimes of Bukola Saraki, son of the older Saraki, and Abdulfatah Ahmed his successor. Both former Kwara State chief executives, undertook the construction of befitting operational and residential facilities in the institute as part of their corporate social responsibility, (CSR), to a federal establishment headquartered in their “area of responsibility,” (AOR), to adopt a military terminology. If you entered the premises of MINILS those good old days, it breathed life and flaunted environmental aesthetics.
If Pa Imoudu were to pay a visit today, to MINILS for any reason this season of his remembrance, however, he will be grossly appalled and disoriented by the subsisting state of the institute. MINILS by the way, is supposed to be a pioneering establishment in West Africa, dedicated to capacity building for workers, employees and government officials. As you veer off the Ajasse-Ipo to Ilorin road onto the stretch which leads into the institute, your sensibilities are pitilessly assaulted by rot and disorder which stand guard on both sides of that short stretch. Kiosks, stalls, shops, decrepit buildings, rusted roofs, a cacophony of nondescript structures, constitute themselves into a riotous *mammy market,* an expression and concept popularised by our brothers at arms. It refers to those watering holes which spawn and squirm, at the backends of military barracks, which satiate their patrons with liquid and culinary varieties.
The entrance gate is totally uninspiring. It just sits there dumb and disconnected. As you advance into the acreage of the institute, you discover that the tarred driveway very much like the portion you encountered beginning from your detour off the major road, can do with some conscientious resurfacing. The greenery within the premises have not been challenged by the mouths of sharpened cutlasses in a long while, nor the humming, slashing anger of the lawnmower. Paint coatings on the perimeter fence have been peeled off either by reason of substandard work previously done, or the convergence of the rage of the elements. Patches of spyrogyra have contributed to the disfigurement of the hedge in places. A ghostly quiet pervades the air, away from the measured boisterousness of a thriving institute.
There is palpable lack of motivation for the generality of the workers, the pervading air also a disincentive for potential trainees. The collective muteness of the physical structures within the institution echoes and reverberates. The *Ollie Anderson Block* long named after an American benefactor of MINILS is the administrative building. It offers no spark or sparkle like the other structures, all collectively sleeping and slumbering. Power outages are the rule rather than the exception and you wonder why the leadership of the establishment wouldn’t avail its workers and course participants alternative energy sources so they can contribute their bits. The hostels in the institute which are supposed to be sources of internally generated revenue, (IGR), are dirty, decrepit, unkempt, utterly dysfunctional. The beds are broken, the beddings unfit for swine. The last batch of participants on a programme put together by the institute, had to rely on water fetched for them in buckets and heaved to their rooms. Such is the level of rot in today’s MINILS.
Issa Obalowu Aremu, a trade unionist and labour leader himself has been the director-general of the institute for about three years now. He was vice president of the Nigerian Labour Congress, (NLC), when Adams Oshiomhole was president, between 1999 and 2007, which coincided with the years Olusegun Obasanjo was President. Aremu initially attended the Ahmadu Bello University, (ABU), Zaria. Unfortunately, he was expelled from the institution in his final year because of activism. Respected scholars and social scientists, Claude Ake and Ikenna Ezimiro rescued Aremu’s educational trajectory by getting him into the University of Port Harcourt, where he graduated in 1985 with a second class upper degree. He obtained a masters in labour and development from the *Institute of Social Studies,* (ISS) in The Hague and was a labour delegate to the National Conference of 2014. He has also been privileged to attend the elite National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies, (NIPSS), domiciled in Jos, Plateau State.
Unfortunately, these glossy credentials have not been manifest in Aremu’s administration of MINILS thus far. Aremu, who in years as comrade would rail at the wastefulness of bourgeois leaders, today reportedly drives around in Kwara State with a convoy of three or four cars. Not even the prevailing national economic crunch emblematised among others by spiralling fuel costs has mitigated this penchant for unnecessary exhibitionism. He is said to have a detachment of security details from the Department of State Services, (DSS) and the Nigerian police, escorting him around and about.
On his trips to Kaduna where he has been primarily domiciled for most of his working life, or Abuja, he is received at the airport by two official vehicles complete with armed escorts. They typically depart Ilorin ahead of his flights. The Vice Chancellor of the University of Ilorin in the same city, Wahab Olasupo Egbewole, a professor and Senior Advocate of Nigeria, (SAN), who oversees a student community in excess of 50,000 students moves around innocuously in the same Ilorin. This city by the way is relatively peaceful, posting low crime indicators compared to many others.
If stories and innuendos are to be credited some believability, there is this insinuation that there seem to be no demarcation between the official and the personal in MINILS under Aremu. The institute for instance groans for lack of operational vehicles to run its affairs. Yet some of its healthier motorised assets are said to be in the custody of his family members in various locations across the country. The names of Aremu’s relatives who are non-staffers in MINILS, have been alleged to feature on the list of his delegations on foreign trips, their tickets and estacodes fully paid by the institution. Fiscal frugality is said to be nonexistent in the dictionary of Issa Aremu.
Staff training for job function capacity building, which were usually undergone both externally and internally are reported in the past tense. He was recently pressed by in-house unions to address staffers on issues around capacity training, which he is said to have of completely ignoring in his three years in office. He responded by reluctantly convening a general staff meeting to which, very oddly, he invited the press. He presented an inconclusive compendium containing things he claimed to have achieved in office thus far. He chronicled and appropriated virtually all the legacies of preceding administrations. Aremu listed the *George Meany Computer Centre,* two power generators, and a hostel block, where he set up a non-functional clinic, as his personal achievements. Long-serving civil servants in MINILS, note with deep nostalgia the pluri-dimensional innovations emplaced in the organisation under the watch of former chief executives like Jacob Jeminiwa, John Olanrewaju, Saliu Ishaq Alabi, among achievers.
The institute is also hamstrung in convening tune-up programmes for external participants because of the quantum dilapidation of its facilities and unavailability of funds. This is as Aremu is reported to love the big life. He is said to fancy being adulated as “His Excellency, Comrade Issa Obalowu Aremu, mni, Director-General and Chief Executive of Michael Imoudu National Institute for Labour Studies.” Having contested for the governorship of Kwara State on the platform of Labour Party, (LP), in 2018, he has since coveted and adopted that fanciful referent. He also never fails to remind his audiences in the institute that having been deputy as a unionist to former governor Oshiomhole during his years in labour activism, he also qualifies to be referenced as a quasi-governor! He reportedly never fails to remind his officials how lucky they are to have a man with his accomplishments as helmsman.
The condition of the Michael Imoudu National Institute for Labour Studies, (MINILS) today is a national embarrassment. The institute constitutes colossal disrespect, monumental insult to the name and legacies of Michael Athokhamien Omnibus Imoudu, the iconic Pa Imoudu. Supervising Minister of Labour and Employment, Nkeiruka Onyeagocha needs to take immediate interest in the institute before it is wholly run aground. A physical visit to the institute for on-the-spot assessment will avail her better insights into the prostrate condition of the establishment. This will help in the articulation of a road map for the institute’s comprehensive makeover. Such timely remediation will please the spirits of those who conceived of the institute and that of Pa Imoudu, to no end.
*Tunde Olusunle, PhD, is a Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA)*
BY BOLAJI AFOLABI
It is no longer news that the seemingly “minor” disagreement between Sir Siminilaye Fubara, and Barrister Nyesom Wike, and by extension the Rivers state House of Assembly; which snowball into protracted quagmire, and multi-faceted crisis led to the declaration of state of emergency by President Bola Tinubu on March 18, 2025. Somehow, the power-tussle, and relevance-battle which grew in leaps and bounds threw up different names, and groups. Sadly, while development issues in Rivers suffered unnecessary, and unreasonable hiatus, many individuals masquerading as “analysts, commentators, and activists,” literally swarmed radio, and television stations pushing forward, with ecclesiastical posturing the positions they believed to be “facts.”
Perhaps, the pursuit of pecuniary benefits may have informed these actions, and attitudes by those who reportedly embarked on regular visitations to media houses in Lagos, Abuja, Port Harcourt, and other major cities across the country. Some of these “experts” became “merchants of propaganda” and “purveyors of falsehoods” while the beef festered. Determined to justify their pay, they dug in; harder, deeper, and ferociously. It is argued that the fire of confusion in Rivers dragged on, and refused to be extinguished as a result of the continued unfriendly comments, and unpeaceful antics of some of these financially-induced commentators, groups, and associations.
Like most things in Nigeria, many people joined the bandwagon; pontificating on issues they didn’t have full, and proper grasp. Some of these interventions ranged from the ludicrous to tongue foolery. Not mindful of the harm the continued schisms were having on the general well-being of the ordinary people on the streets of Rivers, these puppeteers evolved selfish ways in compounding matters, thereby ensuring that their unconscionable activities received regular patronage. Many of those who purportedly enjoyed the largesse included lawyers, politicians, and academics. Activists, women groups, youth associations, and others allegedly leveraged on the crisis for financial favours. Indeed, professional bootlickers, crisis-manipulators, and mudslinging “careerists” coalesce to have their bites, and share of the enticing cake from the “treasure base” state.
Between the time the crisis became public in the last quarter of 2023, and when Tinubu declared a state of emergency, the writer refused to comment on the issue. Save for an opinion published December, 25, 2023, a siddon look approach was taken. Comments raised therein that have been justified will be looked at in the course of this treatise. Any critical follower of Nigeria’s political history who is imbued with discerning gifts will not be surprised about the turn of events in the state. The unfolding developments were easily predictable by any unattached, and unbiased mind. With all modesty, having had consistent official and personal interactions with the political class, the writer can be credited with some measure of exactness, and appropriateness on certain matters bothering on power struggle, influence-relevance, structures realignment, and political control.
In over two decades of closely monitoring Nigeria’s political development, and the political class, there are many lessons learnt which has enriched one’s knowledge, and broaden understanding. Yes, democracy is practiced in Nigeria. However, certain situations clearly suggests that our variant of democracy is unique, different in many ways. What may be practicable in some other countries can be an aberration in Nigeria. Issues like loyalty, group interest, party structures, positions and projects sharing, and similar others are not, never toyed with. In most cases, political office holders dissipate energies, time, and resources in maintaining the status quo towards being in the good book of those that matters. Everything is deployed in achieving this purpose. However, anybody that steps out of the line, particularly for perceived arrogance, and selfish agenda, the outcomes may not be palatable.
The Rivers crisis is a perfect example of these issues. As the dispute gained momentum, and became the major topic of discourse across the country for months, some dispassionate observers postulated that the final outcome may become tasteless in the mouths of certain people. The writer in an earlier commentary, “RESCUING FUBARA FROM IMMINENT POLITICAL DESCENT” published on 25th December, 2023 wrote that, “Governor Sim Fubara, being a political-starter may not be discerning enough to know that those encouraging him to take rigid positions and rudderless actions are only digging his “political grave.” How do one explain a Governor carrying out actions that are purely undemocratic? Closure of the Assembly Chambers; allegedly demolishing the Assembly Complex; presenting the state’s Budget to a “3-man Assembly” and some other constitutional infractions.”
Continuing, the writer declared that, “somebody must strongly advise Fubara that if actions that may throw the state into further tensions continue, it would not be out of place if the Federal Government declares “state of emergency” in Rivers. Recall that a similar thing happened in Oyo and Plateau states during Obasanjo’s administration. If protests and other activities persist, and the Wike group of “27 majority lawmakers” insists on doing the right thing, or the Federal Government takes necessary steps, Fubara will be the greatest loser. Either impeachment or a state of emergency, NONE will favour him. If this happens, Fubara may just discover that his group of friends, loyalists, and associates would abandon him. Typical of politicians, these “yes-men” will not only leave him to groan over his predicament but likely jump ship by shifting their “loyalty” to the other group. Fubara should meditate on this age-long aphorism that, the umbrella becomes a burden once the rain is over; that is how loyalty (the feigned and contrived one) functions when benefits stop.”
Back to now. Though there are on-going lawsuits, initiated by different blocs including the Peoples Democratic Party, (PDP) Governors Forum to reverse the presidential declaration but until the Supreme Court pronounces otherwise, the state of emergency subsists. Days into the “emergency state” certain comments credited to Fubara were encouraging. At various times, he alluded to the fact that no sacrifice is too big for the peace of Rivers. However, recent developments give concerns, and worries about the likelihood of ending or extending the “emergency state.” From reports, there seems to be an upsurge in rallies, walks, and demonstrations against Naval Vice Admiral Ibok-Ete Ekwe Ibas (Rtd), Rivers state Sole Administrator. At many of the protests, the call for the return of Fubara; to the office has been loud and clear. There are no pretences about the demand.
Yes, the supporters, loyalists, and associates of Fubara have the constitutional rights to legitimately press for his return to the classy, comforts of the “Brick House” moniker for the Government House. Some people who are non-aligned in the Rivers crisis are worried about the timing, messaging, and mission of these actions. Meanwhile, the rumour mill is agog about Fubara’s alleged endorsement of these protests. Many dispassionate observers concerned about this trend, are asking questions. Why has Fubara not called these groups to order? Why have his senior aides not issued statements to disassociate him from the allegations? Of what use are these activities amid certain reconciliatory talks?
Given the strategic position of Rivers to national development, most Nigerians are seriously concerned about the unpleasant news coming from the state. As the second largest revenue generating state, after Lagos there is an urgent need for permanent resolution of the crisis, towards engendering growth and development. If media reports about Fubara’s reconciliation drive are true, many people will be happy. However, as advised in the earlier article, “Fubara should realize that some Elders and Leaders who are now his “political advisers” have other reasons for supporting him. Their loyalty and support is not driven by love for him but some other extraneous reasons. Hence they keep exerting pressure on him to renege on the “Abuja Agreement.” One does not need to be Nostradamus to postulate that some of these people may have begun shadowy moves to truncate the reconciliatory moves. One hopes that Fubara will, this time; ‘borrow himself proper brain’ as they say on the streets. Perhaps, he should talk to himself; being Governor of the oil-rich state ‘is no beans, something he got on a platter of gold, amid many other aspirants with better political capacities and public service credentials.
Indeed, for the supporters of Fubara to eventually witness the return of their person to office, they must wholeheartedly urge him to “own” the process. Just as he is the greatest loser of the “emergency rule,’ he stands to be the major beneficiary when proper reconciliation is achieved. As stated in the earlier treatise, “for once, Fubara should put on his ‘thinking cap’ and be truthful to his conscience by ……………….. ensuring irrevocable reconciliation with Wike. Fact is, the Ikwerre-born political tactician whom Fubara fondly calls ‘my Oga’ is the only Leader that is fully committed to his success and political growth. Not the retinue of his vicious, selfish, and wicked new-lovers who will evaporate when the table turns. Fubara should be sober and sombre by going back to his political roots.” This position was canvassed about two years ago and stands valid. From observations and analysis of his personae, Wike looks more like someone that has meekness, fairness, and empathy. Though perceived as arrogant, and haughty by some people but beneath may be a soft, considerate, and accommodating mind. Fubara should imbibe the spirit and letters of the saying, “stoop to conquer,” and come down from his high horse, as well as stop dancing to the quarrelsome drums of his coterie of “deceivers.” On his part, Wike, who has shown, and further consolidated his coveted status as the “grandmaster” of Rivers politics, should embrace the teachings, and lessons of the Biblical “prodigal son” by not only forgiving but accepting Fubara back to the political family; where he truly belongs.
* BOLAJI AFOLABI, a Development Communications specialist, was with the Office of Public Affairs, The Presidency, Abuja.
By Dr. Ibrahim Modibbo
The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) under the able leadership of Governor Yemi Cardoso has released the apex bank’s 2024 financial statements. The results reflect the bank’s commitment to economic stability, sound policy implementation, and strategic financial management. The financial performance further highlights improvements in external reserves, asset quality, cost efficiency and overall bottom-line improvement.
An indicator of Cardoso’s policy direction being on the right track is manifested by the CBN posting in its latest financial statement showing the country’s external reserves growing from $36.6billion in 2023 to $38.8billion in 2024.
This is phenomenal achievement is largely attributable to the apex bank’s improvement in accretion to external reserves from portfolio investors, diaspora remittances and the federal government receipts following improved confidence in the Nigerian economy, facilitated by better coordination with the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) and diaspora engagement strategies.
Another contributory factor is the proper investment management decisions taking by the CBN governor, aimed at boosting the reserves of the bank. This glowing performance reflects the CBN’s firm commitment to external sector stability, ensuring Nigeria is better positioned to meet its international obligations, stabilize the naira, and boost macroeconomic confidence.
Remarkably, the CBN fianancial statement also showed that the bank’s bottom-line improved from a deficit position of ₦1.3trillion in 2023 to a surplus of ₦165billon in 2024. This turnaround is attributable to a direct consequence of apex bank’s effective containment of expenditure, gains on investments made by the bank and increased income from foreign exchange transactions under the Cardoso regime.
The financial statement further showed a notable reduction in loans and receivables from ₦16.1trillion to ₦11.9trillion, due primarily to significant recoveries from earlier intervention lending programmes; a deliberate policy shift away from previous intervention lending and monetary financing through ways and means in line with the bank’s new stance on allowing market mechanisms to drive credit allocation and financial sector development.
To reflect Cardoso’s enthroning of a cost-conscious culture at the CBN, the apex bank adopted a strategy of optimizing and streamlining it’s operating expenses in 2024, through strategic cost rationalization initiatives, including reduction in non-essential spending and streamlined operations across regional branches and departments.
Furthermore, in line with the Financial Reporting Council (FRC) regulatory requirement on ICFR, it is worthy to note that the Central Bank was able to carry out an assessment of its internal controls which was further certified effective by the joint external audit team. This approach resulted in enhanced transparency and accountability in financial reporting, strengthening institutional governance and internal risk controls, and aligning with international best practices in central bank operations
As a testament to the effectiveness of this initiative, the joint external auditors issued an independent assurance report declaring the CBN’s ICFR framework to be “effective” for the 2024 reporting period. However, it wasn’t all cheering news all the way because while the Central Bank of Nigeria’s 2024 financial results reflect operational improvements, some expenditure lines posed challenges.
One of the notable upticks in the apex bank’s expenses in 2024 was related to liquidity management operations. These costs rose to ₦4.5trillion from ₦1.5trillion in 2023. This increase can be traceable to the tightening monetary policy stance adopted by the CBN governor to combat inflationary pressures throughout the year.
In pursuit of that objective, the CBN conducted more frequent and higher-value Open Market Operations (OMO) to mop up excess liquidity arising from fiscal injections at a significant cost. This is a huge responsibility CBN is carrying out on behalf of the federation, whereas in some jurisdictions, this cost is borne by the government.
The financial statements also reflect an increase in the loss on settled derivative contracts during the year from ₦6.3trillion in 2023 to ₦13.9trillion in 2024. This development is a direct consequence of the high volume of derivative contracts settled by the apex bank in 2024. These are legacy transactions which the Cardoso management met on resumption of office.
This proactive settlement effort was undertaken as part of management’s broader strategy to reduce outstanding foreign exchange liabilities, thus lowering its FX exposure, boost net foreign reserves, thereby improving Nigeria’s external buffer and investor confidence, restoring credibility to Nigeria’s forward markets and address legacy obligations transparently.
It can be said that the improved performance of the Central Bank of Nigeria in 2024 is not coincidental but a product of deliberate, and strategic management efforts undertaken by Governor Cardoso. The bank’s leadership has reinforced governance and accountability, instilling operational discipline in the running of the CBN. It has also pursued a balanced monetary policy stance, ensuring price and financial system stability.
These reforms enunciated by Governor Cardoso since his appointment by President Bola Tinubu have collectively repositioned the CBN as a credible monetary authority, with its 2024 financial results serving as proof of its unwavering resolve to support the economic recovery programme of the current administration, safeguard financial stability, and build public trust.
Dr. Ibrahim Modibbo is a public affairs analyst and writes from Abuja.
By Omoniyi Ibietan
For the umpteenth time, Oyekunle Oyedapo Olorunyomi, publisher of Premium Times, possibly contemporary Nigeria’s most honoured journalist, was garlanded earlier today, with the Hallmarks of Labour Foundation (HLF) Award.
Olorunyomi, popularly called Dapsy, famous for his public spiritedness, brilliance, grit and vision, and particularly renowned for his pragmatism and love for investigative and interpretive reporting, media independence, accountability as well as advocacy for public interest journalism, in his words ‘journalism of relevance’, received the HLF-Christopher Kolade Award for Excellence in Leadership and Professionalism in the Media at an event in Lagos.
Reckoning Dapo Olorunyomi’s journalistic antecedents and the trailblazing Premium Times Media Group – which houses the Premium Times newspaper (an online newspaper), Dubawa (a fact-checking entity), the Centre for Journalism Innovation and Development (a tech-oriented knowledge production centre instituted to empower and support African media), and Premium Times Books (a book publishing arm) – the Hallmarks Foundation found a repository to draw form and content that gave expression to professionalism and leadership.
As captured by Premium Times, this award celebrates Dapsy’s “established track record” in championing media independence, accountability journalism, and ethical standards.
An incurable believer in the promise of newspapering for the promotion of freedom and democracy, a leading light of avant garde, innovative journalism in the service of society, iconoclastic and radical, I first took note of Dapsy as a social actor in the Nigerian space after reading the cover story of the African Concord newsmagazine titled, “Has IBB Given up?” an exceptionally objective unsparing analysis of the Babangida regime. The publication’s factuality and poignancy was so stinging as to precipitate the sealing of the premises of the medium for six months and its proscription in 1992 by the military regime.
Unbeknownst to me, Dapsy and I have a deeper historical connection. For instance, he was in the league of student leaders of the early 1980s who pitched their tent in the left pole of the ideological spectrum. It was he and his comrades who drafted the Charter of Demands of the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS), a document that would become a consequential duty of my generation of student leaders to implement.
Born in Kano, educated at Ife, Oxford, Washington and across the world, ever since Dapsy enrolled at the then University of Ife where he obtained a bachelor’s degree in English and a Master’s in Literature, he has been on the famished road of knowledge production, journalistic rectitude, organised, conscious self and collaborative activities of social action and uncommon charity. As a student at Ife, he spent his holidays working PRO BONO as a press officer at the South Africa’s African National Congress Office in Lagos, and he continued to live a life marked by ecumenism and charitableness.
Exactly two years ago, precisely on January 11, 2023, I published a tribute to honour him when he was announced the first African fellow of the Poynter Institute, alongside 26 other global media entrepreneurs and actors for the 2023 Media Transformation Challenge (MTC) programme. The Poynter Fellowship had recorded 350 alumni as of 2023, and Dapsy broke the jinx by becoming Africa’s first alumnus.
In 2020, the International Press Freedom Award was presented to him. Earlier, in 1995, the World Press Review garlanded him as the International Editor of the Year. In 1996 he was awarded the Freedom to Write Award by the PEN Center, as well as Press Freedom Award by the National Association of Black Journalists in New York. For his involvement in reporting on the Panama Papers, he won a joint Pulitzer Award in 2016. The Global Investigative Journalism Network also honoured him with the Global Shining Award in 2017. Still in 2017, he carted away both the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) Press Freedom Award and the a distinguishing fellowship of the Nigerian Institute of Journalism (NIJ). Olorunyomi equally received the Diamond Awards for Media Excellence’s Lifetime Award.
He had worked for The Herald newspapers, was an editor at Radio Nigeria, African Guardian, and the African Concord before co-founding TheNews magazine, Tempo, as well as AM and PM News. He became the Enterprise Editor and head of investigation at the Timbuktu Media, publishers of 234Next. Olorunyomi has served on the board of many international organisations including Panos Institute West Africa, Norbert Zongo Cell for Investigative Journalism (a United Nations initiative) and he continued to serve on the jury or as chair or African analyst for many media initiatives or country surveys.
He was the Director Nigeria Project for Freedom House (FH), during which I worked with him as FH’s Regional Media Researcher for the Niger Delta. Freedom House is America’s oldest NGO focused on curating the state of press freedom in over 190 nations and territories. While at FH, he founded the Wole Soyinka Centre for Investigative Journalism (now Wole Soyinka Centre for Investigative Journalism). He was Director for Policy and Chief of Staff to Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, when the latter was Executive Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission. It was he who essentially developed crime prevention and education policy at EFCC.
He was on exile for a while when the Abacha regime launched a serial crackdown on activists and journalists. He returned to Nigeria at the onset of Nigeria’s renascent democracy and continued his works without ceasing as a dedicated Nigerian patriot. In 2021, he was arrested ostensibly for publishing a libellous story about former Army Chief Buratai, an incident that suffered a natural fate as cases of unsubstantiated allegations.
The Development Agenda for Western Nigeria (DAWN) Commission aptly described Olorunyomi as ‘Akinkanju’ (the Valiant man) of Nigerian journalism. His story continues to serve as an unvarnished reminder of the value of focus, love for man and country, determination, selflessness, and living for others.
Dr. Omoniyi Ibietan is the Head of Media Relations, Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC).
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