Opinion
Fuel Challenge In Nigeria: Modular refineries to the rescue?
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By Joshua Ocheja
Nigeria is enmeshed in the imbroglio between the Dangote refinery and the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPCL). African countries, however, seem to be tapering towards developing capacities to solve their problems. This entails creating an environment that enables indigenous solutions in critical sectors of the economy.
In 2001, former President Olusegun Obasanjo lifted the lid on the operationalisation of manageable-sized petroleum production when he inaugurated the Presidential Committee on Local Content in the Oil and Gas Industry. This was to promote indigenous participation and ownership in the oil and gas sector. The Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) was mandated to drive the policy and set specific targets for the burgeoning sector.
In 2010, the Nigerian Content Development and Monitoring Board (NCDMB) was established with a mission to “promote the development and utilization of in-country capacities for the industrialization of Nigeria through the effective implementation of the Nigerian Content Act.” It is also tasked to maximize the participation of Nigerians in oil and gas activities. The question is: How this could be achieved?
Enter, the concept of “homestead” modular refineries comes to mind. Modular refineries are not novel. A modular refinery is a simplified refinery requiring significantly less capital investment than traditional full-scale refinery facilities. Nigeria currently has 25 licensed modular refineries.
Five are operational and producing diesel, kerosene, black oil and naphtha. About ten such projects are under various stages of completion, while a handful others have received licenses to establish. At complete optimization, these refineries can process 200,000 barrels of crude daily.
Aradel Refinery in Rivers State was originally “Midas Drilling Fund” when it was first established in 1992, while Excel Exploration and Production Company Ltd in Bayelsa State was incorporated in 2001. Other functional refineries in Nigeria include Waltersmith Petroman Modular Refinery and Petrochemical Company Limited (WRPC) commissioned in November 2020 by former President Muhammadu Buhari; Edo Refinery in Ologbo community abutting Delta State; Duport Refinery also in Edo and Azikel Petroleum Ltd in Bayelsa State.
The modular refinery strategy is hinged on establishing relatively simple-to-operate oil production plants in oil-producing corridors to reduce the nation’s dependence on imported refined petroleum products. It is also a strategy to mitigate product shortages. They serve their immediate catchments to a large extent to reduce often despairing expectations from subsisting centrally distributed sources.
This brilliant thinking corroborates the position of oil and gas sector experts about modular refineries as an alternative to the persistent poor performance of the nation’s big refineries and the near total reliance on importation for all our refined petroleum needs.
With petroleum exploration efforts yielding positive results from parts of the country other than the pre-established oil producing hubs around and about the Niger Delta region, modular refineries may yet become a more diverse concept. For the avoidance of doubt, states like Lagos, Anambra and Kogi have been listed along the existing oil producing states, as beneficiaries of the “13% oil derivation fund.”
Moving forward, this might yet be the magic wand needed to turn things around in Nigeria’s petroleum and gas value chain socioeconomy. Understandably, Nigeria is regularly referenced as a country with elastic capacity to accommodate more modular refineries because it reputedly has the second largest “wetlands” in the world, after the Missisipi in the United States.
Indeed a report published by Hawilti, a Pan-African investment research firm, titled “Refineries watch Q4 2022,” “Modular technology solutions are acknowledged to be on the rise in Africa, and especially in Nigeria. They offer investors the opportunity to cobble together a refinery in a little over a year, from foundation stone laying, to the commencement of actual refining.”
Modular refineries come with ample benefits but require conscientious and sustained support from the government. This has potential to enhance their net contributions to the economy in diverse ways. Among others, they need regular “back patting” to ensure functional efficiency, with the view to enabling them to refine crude oil in line with their installed capacities effectively.
One of the ways this could be achieved is through an increased crude oil supply to the modular refineries and the subsequent payment in naira as against the dollar for crude oil. The results would be tangible. How would this happen? Refining crude oil in modular refineries is more cost-effective.
Modular refineries are mainly situated near the wellhead of oil production, which will require minimal cost. Also, landing costs associated with shipping and other charges would be eliminated. If this doesn’t make sense, what else would? This is my case for modular refineries. We can’t continue to do the same thing and expect different results.
The government must rethink the strategy of modular refineries in Nigeria to support its growth and the attendant benefits accrued to the country. If that doesn’t happen, then the mission of the Nigerian Content Monitoring and Development Board of “promoting the development and utilization of in-country capacities for the industrialization of Nigeria through the effective implementation of the Nigerian Content Act.” would remain a mirage.
The state must think strategically in this regard. The potentials inherent in a functional modular refinery regime cannot be overemphasized. This much was corroborated in an editorial by Businessday newspaper, where it stated that modular refineries have the potential to grow into massive refining clusters and envisages a situation where at least 10 per cent of Nigeria’s oil production should be refined through modular refineries, with the overarching objective to provide a lower-cost, steady supply of fuels and products on a local level.
This is sublime and the way to go in our quest for sustainable growth and development. Industry experts have identified modular refineries as a viable alternative to the current refining template in Nigeria. This is because they provide excellent economic prospects and are more cost-effective. Modular Refineries have various benefits.
Typically, environments contiguous to production areas experience some heightened activities in the local economy. The risk-fraught practice of hauling petroleum products over long distances which often result in accidents and attendant carnages, will be minimised. Dwellers in the remote locations where the refineries are built will be able to access products more readily at controlled rates. Because the pipeline network of refineries is local, the nuisance of oil pipeline vandalism will be checked.
Being a very large market, Nigeria can sustain the smaller modular refineries side-by-side with the big players in the industry, including the federal government-owned processors. It is indeed instructive that conversations about the need to encourage modular refinery petroleum processing is coming at a time when government is readying its own facilities in Port Harcourt, Warri and Kaduna for production. Most traditions in Africa have their variants of the Yoruba adage which exhorts that “you wash your hands better when you deploy both together.” Elsewhere, there is also the saying that “you cannot clap your hands with one hand.”
More incentives should be intentionally availed the modular concept by way of growth and development of regular and increased supply of crude oil, as well as for payments for crude oil supplies to be made in local currency, among others. Modular refineries might just be the magic wand we need to rejuvenate our economy.
Joshua Ocheja, a military historian is a doctorate student at the University of Abuja
Opinion
*ANALYSIS OF THE SENATE SEATING CONTROVERSY: A Critical Examination Of Procedural Compliance, Gender Dynamics, And Democratic Principle In The Nigerian Senate*
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By Sunny Anderson Osiebe
Below is a critical examination of the situation, considering the Senate President’s actions, Senator Natasha’s rights, and the broader implications for Nigeria’s political image and democratic principles.
*The Senate President’s Alleged Intimidation of Female Senators*
The Senate President’s recent actions towards senator Natasha Akpoti must be scrutinized within the context of his treatment of female senators. And to ascertain if there is a pattern of behavior that has to do with intimidation or marginalization of women in the Senate, because his recent actions raises serious concerns about gender bias and equality in Nigeria’s legislative processes. This is because such behavior undermines the principles of inclusivity and fair representation, which are essential in a democratic society. If female senators are consistently subjected to harsher treatment or exclusion, it reflects poorly on the Senate’s commitment to gender equality and could deter women from participating in future politics and political activities.
*The Manner In Which Senator Natasha Was Asked to Leave the Chamber*
The Senate President’s decision to call the Sergeant-at-Arms to remove Senator Natasha from the chamber must be evaluated for proportionality and respect for due process. While the Senate Standing Orders grant the Senate President authority to enforce rules, the manner in which this authority is exercised matters. If the action was perceived as overly aggressive or dismissive, it could be interpreted as an abuse of power. The use of force or public humiliation to enforce compliance risks undermining the dignity of the Senate and the individuals involved. A more diplomatic approach, such as private discussions or warnings, might have been more appropriate to address the issue without escalating tensions.
*Senator Natasha’s Right To Expression*
Senator Natasha’s right to express herself is a fundamental aspect of democratic governance. While Section 10(2) of the Senate Standing Orders requires senators to sit in their designated seats to be recognized, her refusal to comply could be seen as a form of protest against what she perceived as unfair treatment. If her reassignment was indeed part of a broader pattern of marginalization, her actions might be interpreted as a legitimate stand against systemic bias. However, her defiance of Senate rules also raises questions about the balance between individual expression and collective discipline in a legislative body. While her right to protest is valid, it must be exercised within the framework of the rules governing the Senate.
*International Impact On Nigeria’s Political Image*
The Senate President’s actions have implications beyond Nigeria’s borders. In an era of global scrutiny, incidents like this can damage Nigeria’s reputation as a democratic nation. If the Senate President’s behavior is perceived as authoritarian or discriminatory, it could reinforce negative stereotypes about Nigeria’s political culture. International observers, including foreign governments and human rights organizations, may view such incidents as evidence of systemic gender inequality or a lack of respect for democratic norms. This could affect Nigeria’s standing in international forums and its ability to advocate for democratic values globally.
*The Senate President’s Past Attitude Toward Female Senators*
If the Senate President has a history of contentious interactions with female senators, as could be seen also in his case with Senator Ireti Heebah Kingibe the Senator representing FCT, therefore senator Natasha Akpoti’s incident of February 20th 2025 cannot be viewed in isolation. Because a pattern of behavior targeting women would indicate a deeper issue of gender bias within the Senate leadership. Such behavior not only undermines the credibility of the Senate President but also raises questions about the Senate’s commitment to fostering an inclusive environment. Addressing these concerns would require a thorough review of the Senate’s internal culture and leadership practices.
*Senator Natasha’s Status As An Elected Representative*
As an elected representative, Senator Natasha has a mandate to represent her constituents. Her treatment in the Senate must respect this mandate and the democratic principles that underpin it. If her reassignment and subsequent removal were perceived as unjust or politically motivated, it could be seen as an affront to the voters who elected her. Elected officials must be treated with respect and dignity, regardless of their political affiliations or personal disagreements with leadership. Any action that undermines their ability to fulfill their duties risks eroding public trust in the Senate as an institution.
*Conclusion: Balancing Authority and Fairness*
While the Senate President’s actions were technically within the bounds of the Senate Standing Orders, the broader context raises significant concerns about fairness, gender equality, and democratic principles. The Senate must strike a balance between enforcing rules and respecting the rights and dignity of its members. If the Senate President’s actions are perceived as targeting female senators or stifling dissent, they risk undermining the legitimacy of the Senate as a democratic institution.
To address these issues, the Senate should consider the following steps:
– Conduct an independent review of the Senate President’s conduct, particularly regarding interactions with female senators.
– Establish clear guidelines to ensure that enforcement of rules is proportionate and respectful.
– Promote gender sensitivity training and initiatives to foster a more inclusive environment.
– Encourage open dialogue to address grievances and prevent similar incidents in the future.
Ultimately, the Senate’s credibility depends on its ability to uphold both order and fairness, ensuring that all members, regardless of gender or political affiliation, are treated with respect and dignity.
Sunny Anderson Osiebe
Executive Director
HallowMace Foundation Africa
Opinion
*A CASE FOR “AMOTEKUN CORPS” IN KOGI WEST*
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*By Tunde Olusunle*
It had festered for long. The wanton trespass, the emboldened criminality, the mindless murders, the reckless disruption of the rhythm of day-to-day activities of several communities in Nigeria’s South West. Formal and informal intelligence, fingered voyaging Fulani herdsmen as prime perpetrators of the crimson regime upon the Yoruba hemisphere. The pastoralists herded their cattle from the nation’s north, down south. They fed and fattened their livestock on farmlands owned by landowners, with unbelievable impunity. Aboriginal dissenters to such roughshod rides through their sweat-grown farms, were often sent to early graves. Luckier escapees, most times left with scars to last a lifetime. To confirm that they were on a mission to destroy, maim and murder, they moved around with deadly machetes and sophisticated weapons, beyond regular arms admissible for self protection, as they rampaged through the zone.
Beyond farmlands in the recesses of the Yoruba country, kidnappers, armed robbers and killers took over and terrorised roads and expressways in the South West, with uncommon boldness. They routinely caused gridlocks on roads like the all-important Sagamu-Ore-Benin highway, in the discharge of their criminal ventures. They would move from vehicle to vehicle dispossessing commuters of their belongings and shooting at random, killing the hapless. They abducted travellers and would subsequently request for ransoms from the families of their victims. At other times, they just murdered their victims like they did to Olufunke Olakunrin, daughter of the respected Yoruba leader, Reuben Fasoranti, on the same road under reference, in June 2019. Fortuitously, her killers were found, prosecuted and sentenced to death three years later.
Governors of the South West states, unanimously afflicted by this scourge, agreed in January 2020, to establish in their various states, a security outfit to be known as *Amotekun.* A Yoruba word, *Amotekun* means “cheetah.” The animal is a member of the global “big cat” family in the animal kingdom, which are apex predators. Creatures in this bracket which include lions, tigers, leopards, jaguars, are famous for stealth, speed and precision in preying on their targets. All six states in the region: Lagos, Ogun, Oyo, Osun, Ondo and Ekiti, signed up for this initiative, which was driven from the very top by the governors of each state. The South West states are famous for their historical collaboration on issues of the socioeconomic wellbeing of their states and people. The *Amotekun* concept is emplaced as a homegrown complement to the endeavours of existing intelligence and security organisations, in securing lives and property. It is not a rival, but a partner with preexisting agencies in the intelligence and security ecosystem. This typically consists of the military, the police, the Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps, (NSCDC) and the Department of State Services, (DSS).
Across the six South West states, *Amotekun* is charged primarily to protect persons, property and carry out emergency response services. The Corps systematically gathers, documents, evaluates and analyses data and information to convert to actionable intelligence for tactical, operational and strategic goals. It shares intelligence about crime in progress; suspicious activities, criminal suspects and other criminal activities. *Amotekun* collaborates with similar security agencies including but not limited to Lagos, Ogun, Oyo, Osun, Ondo and Ekiti states in deterring kidnapping, terrorism, disruption of livelihood, criminal damage to property, cultism, highway robbery and other criminal activities. It ensures that all persons travelling along highways, major roads, remote areas, hinterlands and forests are free to engage in their normal activities without fear or hindrance. *Amotekun* also assists the police in carrying out any other lawful activity aimed at maintaining law and order within their areas of jurisdiction. The operational ambit of the Corps could indeed be broader.
Since the enthronement of *Amotekun* in the six core Yoruba states five years ago, the organisation has complement the enterprise of statutory security outfits in notable measure. It has foiled robberies, disrupted kidnappings, stemmed open-ended trespass and destruction of farms by marauding herdsmen, and rescued potential victims and casualties of criminal schemes. As recently as Sunday February 15, 2025, *Amotekun* foiled a robbery on the notorious Sagamu- Odogbolu- Ijebu Ode, on the Lagos-Sagamu-Ore-Benin expressway. One of the suspects was neutralised, while a second one was arrested during a gun duel. The suspect arrested led *Amotekun* operatives to the hideout of the gang, where another suspect who had earlier fled during the gun duel, took refuge. Just last week, February 10, 2025, the Ondo State Command of the Corps rescued five victims of a kidnapping episode on the ever recurring Benin- Owo road. Such is the serially documented efficacy of *Amotekun* in its various theatres of operation.
Worthy of note is the fact that the topmost echelons of *Amotekun* leadership across the South West, are very senior retired military and police officers, not below the ranks of retired Brigadier-General or Assistant Inspector General of Police, (AIG). The Oyo State outfit for instance is headed by Brigadier-General Kunle Togun, while the Ogun State formation is led by Brigadier-General Alade Adedigba. The Chairman of the Osun State variant is AIG Wale Abbas, while Brigadier-General Olu Adewa leads the Ekiti State *Amotekun* command. This underscores the seriousness with which the outfit is organised and deployed. Our reservoir of ex-servicemen in our communities, local hunters, vigilantes and youths can constitute the core of the operatives.
Recent criminal incidents in the the Okun country in Kogi State and Kogi West senatorial district at large, compels a proposition for the establishment of an *Amotekun* detachment in the zone. Like its kith and kin in core Western Nigeria, Okunland has been the butt of several violations by a broad canvas of criminals. Daredevil armed robbers have invaded Okun communities, targeting banks and murdering regular folk. Kidnappers perennially lay siege on lonely stretches of the dilapidated road networks in Okunland, killing innocents and taking hostages in kidnap- for- ransom incidents. On May 2, 2021, Solomon Adegbayo a Commissioner in the Kogi State Pensions Board was killed in the same incident in which the Chairman of Yagba West local government area at the time, Pius Kolawole, was kidnapped.
Last December, Alaba Ope, the Councillor representing Odo-Ape Ward in Kabba-Bunu local government area, and eight others, were kidnapped in a midnight operation by brigands. An Abuja-bound commuter bus from Lagos, carrying 18 passengers, was also in December 2024, intercepted around Obajana in Okunland and all the occupants abducted. The kidnappers placed a N100 million ransom on their victims. Should we mention the travails of subsistence farmers in Okunland and Kogi West who in several instances have literally been barred from their farmlands in their homelands by scurrilous criminal elements masquerading as herders? This has been the collective experience of the genetically peace-loving people of Kogi West District.
The people of the geopolitical span under interrogation, have not exactly thrown up their hands in despair in their worrying circumstances. Hunters and vigilantes despite their constrained training and arming, are usually on the front foot combing the forests and thickets. Following attacks on three commercial banks located in Egbe and Odo-Ere in Yagba West just before Christmas in 2021, for instance, Okun hunters and vigilantes entered the forests and indeed arrested a few of the culprits who missed their ways after the dastardly operation. Indeed, early June 2024, Okun vigilantes and hunters joined the army, police, DSS and NSCDC, in raiding the camps of kidnappers in the forest of Yagba West, in an operation which lasted for several days. Yagba West shares boundaries with Kwara, Niger and Ekiti states which makes it specifically vulnerable to criminal incursions.
Several other communities and councils in Kogi West, share abutments with neighbouring states which makes them vulnerable. Disturbed by the unabating recurrence of multifaceted criminality in Okunland which dominates six of the seven local government areas in Kogi West, Sunday Karimi, the Senator representing the District, singularly undertook the construction of a *Forward Operating Base,* (FOB) in Egbe, last year. The fully furnished mini-barracks which is capable of hosting two units of military personnel, was commissioned last October. It has since been taken over and operationalised by the Nigerian Army. To underscore his concurrence with Karimi’s bold initiative, the Member Representing Yagba federal constituency in the House of Representatives, Leke Joseph Abejide, participated at the inauguration and handing over event.
Given the dynamism of crime and criminality, containment and mitigation strategies must also of necessity be proactive. As an essential component of the global Yoruba country, as a people and senatorial district which share boundaries with two geopolitical subscribers to the *Amotekun* concept, notably Ondo and Ekiti states, there is no better time to adapt the prototype in Kogi West and in Okunland. The template may be available on the internet or can be obtained from one of the present six participating states. While it is true that whole states, and not sections or parts of states are subscribers to the philosophy elsewhere, there must be a way to adapt the template for Kogi West. As a people, we know where our shoes presently pinch us.
At the recent maiden annual lecture of the National Institute for Security Studies, (NISS), the Director-General of the Department of State Services, (DSS), Oluwatosin Ajayi, noted that “communities should be empowered to serve as the first line of defence in tackling criminality.” According to him, they must lead the way “before the intervention of the police, the military and other security agencies.” Ajayi noted that “some level of armament must be allowed at the level of communities, so they can serve as the first layer of defence.” He cited examples from *Tafawa Balewa* and *Bogoro communities* in Bauchi State where he previously served, as places where the antics of marauders were successfully repelled. He indeed alluded to his community back home in Ogun State as one which he is guiding to stand up for itself in the face of adversity. This gifts us a perfect window to explore, for the setting up of a *Kogi West/Okunland Amotekun Corps.*
The people of Kogi West trust their Senator, Sunday Karimi, to pick up the gauntlet and rally his colleagues, namely Leke Abejide, Idris Salman and Danladi Suleiman Aguye, representing Yagba, Kabba-Bunu/Ijumu and Lokoja/Kotonkarfe, respectively, to articulate this proposal.
Representatives of state constituencies in Kogi West in the Kogi State House of Assembly, (KGHA), and Chairmen of local government areas in the district, must of necessity be an integral part of this concept. Very happily, the federal government now directly credits the accounts of local government authorities with their dues which allows room for targeted fiscal flexibility. Budgets have to be drawn up to accommodate the needs and remuneration of *Amotekun* operatives. Elsewhere, they are properly kitted with uniforms, footwears and bulletproof vests. They are well armed and enabled with ample quantities of ammunition, and are duly remunerated and provided with serviceable patrol and operational vehicles. They undergo drills to keep in shape and ready. Let’s imagine just how better improved the security situation in Kogi West will be if 100 *Amotekun* corps members are added to the existing security capacity of each LGA. This comes to a total of 700 additional crime fighters in the zone. Criminals will definitely have a rethink before daring their potential Waterloo.
*Tunde Olusunle, PhD, Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA), is an Adjunct Professor of Creative Writing at the University of Abuja*
Opinion
*BINANCE EXECUTIVE, NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF NIGERIA AND THE REST OF US*
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By Yemi Itodo
Some people want us to believe what the Binance Executive said, simply because he’s a white man. That’s mental slavery!
There’s no magic on earth that would make me believe an outsider more than my own brother, until the matter is proven beyond every reasonable doubt.
How do I trust or choose a man whose background I don’t even know; someone who is being tried for defrauding Nigerians; accused of being used to finance terrorism in Nigeria; someone who escaped from the prison, despite the sophisticated apparatus of our security; above my own brother, whose background I know, who grew up with me and who we all went out in 2023, to queue behind him and elected him to represent us?
Beyond this, the institution of National Assembly is the only democracy legacy and an emblem of true democracy. Because, during the military regime, there was Executive and Judiciary as arms of government, the only difference is the absence of Legislative arm of government which is National Assembly, which makes this government a democratic government.
Then, one white Man who is already known for fraud internationally, will just come out to make spurious, sweepy and unsubstantiated allegation against our cherished symbol of democracy, and I would join him to rubbish my own identity?
I’m not standing in for anyone and I’m not exonerating anybody. I would even prefer the National Assembly set up an ad-hoc committee to thoroughly investigate this allegation and unearth whatever it is.
I’m happy the matter is already in court. I’m also happy the Federal Government is handling it with the American Government and this will lead to a successful conclusion of investigations.
Let all hands be on deck. Let the National Assembly too set up an ad-hoc committee, so we would be having both the executive, legislature and judiciary handling this weighty allegation.
Until the reports of these investigations are out, those accused remain innocent, until the guy man advances evidences against them at various panels to prove them guilty.
Let us not be too quick to crucify our own. Let us not contribute to the mantra being sponsored by enemies of Nigeria that we are all corrupt. At least, not everybody. Let’s learn how to trust ourselves, for once.
Let me submit by warning those who want to make political capital out of this or use this avenue to settle personal scores, to think twice before selling their own to outsiders. For when you sell your brother to outsiders, even the buyers will be scared of you.
If crocodile could not spare its own eggs but eats it, what would it not do to the flesh of another animal? Remember, he who trades in gravels, will receive his payments in stones.
*(Itodo contributes this short piece from National Assembly, Abuja).*
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