BY BOLAJI AFOLABI

Concerned about the many uninspiring, and despairing postures, actions, comments, and positions of the political class to issues of nation building, cross-sectoral development, and national cohesion, the writer did a treatise which was published in the last few days of 2024. Conscious of encouraging political developments in a neighboring country, the piece; “Ghana, Raising The Bar of Democracy in Africa” was intended to challenge Nigerian politicians to change their approach to politics; and raise national issues beyond unnecessary politicking. Also, to attract some measures of citizens believability; ingeniously use politics as a veritable platform for national growth and development. As well as deploying politics as vehicle for the promotion of unity, peace, and tranquility amongst Nigerians irrespective of tribe, ethnicity, religion, and other categorization.

Given the flurry of reactions, comments, and requests by readers, at home and abroad, which by the way are humbling and inspiring , an encore to the earlier piece becomes inevitable. Moreso, a developing political matter between Leaders of some opposition parties has made this compelling.

As Nigerians were looking forward to welcoming the New Year; whilst bidding 2024 a timely exit with the numerous personal difficulties, tensions, and challenges people experienced, the political atmosphere was charged by one of the top politicians. Rabiu Musa Kwankwanso, presidential candidate of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) at the 2023 general elections made some daring allegations, and damning revelations. The Kano-born water engineer has traversed Nigeria’s politics, and public service occupying various juicy positions. At various times, he was Deputy Speaker, House of Representatives; Kano state Governor; Defence Minister; and Senator. Indeed, in his over three decades visibility in Nigeria’s political and governance landscape is among the few and privileged people to have both legislative and executive experiences.

Typical of his nature and style, Kwankwanso had a no-holds barred interview with the Hausa Service of the British Broadcasting Service (BBC). Described as bold, frank, and fearless by his admirers, he was audacious, unapologetic, and fiery in his responses. In the engaging, thought provoking, and revealing interview, Kwankwanso said inter alia, “I was terrified about the information that I got that the PDP are meeting clerics and other leaders and in their last meeting, which involved about 45 clerics, that we reached an agreement that Atiku (Abubakar) will serve one term, and myself will also serve one term and Peter Obi will serve two terms. This is a lie, I never took part in any agreement. This is completely false; such an agreement never existed.”

Not done yet, Kwankwanso in his staccato shots declared that, “I was deeply angered about the information. Elderly people aged 70 to 80 years will sit and lie, telling clerics and other leaders something that never happened. With this (these) lies, we can’t believe such people that they can only serve one term in office if you entrust them with leadership.” The two-terms Kano state Governor revealed that, “such lies and deceit are precisely why we left. Myself, Peter Obi, Wike, and others all left.” Confident of his position, he alluded that, “Iam still alive and healthy, there is no way you can assemble over 40 people without me having 2 or 3 among them that will inform me of what transpired. This is not good for personality to lie. In such incident, if a government is formed on the basis of lies, it’s like starting a foundation on a week structure.”

Perhaps unknown to Kwankwanso, these allegations are not only weighty but has opened the pandora box about what transpired between personalities, groups, and associations in the opposition ranks before the 2023 presidential election. Perhaps, it could be deliberate, or unintended, there are some uncompleted comments, missing gaps that will provoke further enquiries. One is confident that, some day, in the nearest future, the true-story of what happened before, during, and after the last presidential election will be unearth. Nigerians would be curious to know what led to the loss of opposition parties in an election that people believed the uninspiring performance of Muhammadu Buhari should profit them. Scholars, students, policy makers, and analysts would want to know reasons behind the exits of Kwankwanso, and Obi from the umbrella party, which opened the flanks of opposition such that they were painfully and pitiably divided into three parties; PDP, LP, NNPP before the elections.

Sadly, the Kwankwanso’s diatribe, cobwebbed shape of leading opposition parties, and undisguised desperation for power by some politicians when juxtaposed with the realities on ground, paints terribly low image of Nigeria’s politics. The PDP is patently and sharply divided to almost irredeemable position. With litany of cases over its neck, it appears the party swims in perpetual crisis. The Labour Party (LP) is no better as it has its own share of issues which bothers on leadership. A party that have three individuals laying claim to National Chairman cannot be taken seriously. That Governor Alex Otti of Abia state allegedly ensured the victory of Zenith Labour Party (ZLP) at the Local Government elections speaks volumes about the LP. Even Kwankwanso’s NNPP is experiencing it’s share of political turmoil. The unfolding crisis is sweeping through the party’s national working committee; national executive council; and national assembly. Indeed, other smaller political parties in the opposition ranks are bedeviled with varied degree of factionalisation.

Discerning Nigerians are saddened that few leaders in opposition parties are dissipating energies and resources towards gaining upper hand for the 2027 election, in a rudderless and unconscious manner. Apolitical minds conclude that the approach will further exacerbate crisis within the parties. Some analysts wonder why few leaders are eternally fixated on having their names feature on the ballot, that they have refused to see the imperative of resolution of crisis, consensus building, and realistic party growth as the critical issues of the moment. A school of thought argues that the resort to propaganda, misinformation, and falsehood by few leaders which is geared towards the hoodwink, blackmail, and submission of perceived political enemies, and opponents will boomerang. Another school of thought opines that since opposition parties have continually failed to elicit citizens confidence and believe, largely due to the craze, and penchant for “grab-it-all” and selfish, arrogant posturing of some leaders, the desire to win power remains a long ambition.

It is good to romanticize, and wish that the Ghana scenario happens in Nigeria. However, the focus, intent, and operations of politicking in Nigeria differs from what is obtained in Ghana. Pathetically, our political parties are only concerned about elections; participating and (likely) winning. Politicians pay little or no attention to party growth and development. Whereas in Ghana, politicians devote time, resources, and enablement into building, deepening, and nurturing political parties. Can the political class; especially opposition parties in Nigeria dedicatedly follow the template of Ghana’s leading opposition party, the National Democratic Congress (NDC)? Since it lost presidential and parliamentary elections to the National People’s Party (NPP) in 2016, the entire leadership, elders, and critical stakeholders in the party remained faithful. Unlike here where opposition lawmakers cross-carpet to the ruling party with the speed of light, such action is unheard of in Ghana. Rather than embark on ludicrous and irresponsible defections, Ghanaian politicians stay back, stay through, and resolutely determined in building opposition.

True, the 2027 general elections is not far away. Rather than engaging in theatrical positioning, and hysterical posturing in the quest for party-control, leaders of opposition should embark on sincere, and serious clean-up of selves, and by extension parties. They must relegate arrogance, personal ambitions, stubborn pursuit of power, and similar tendencies to the background. With the preponderance of socio-economic challenges in the country, the opposition parties must paper all the cracks, mend the bends, and resolve all issues towards playing it’s role effectively and efficiently. They must take enduring lessons from the NDC, who for years grew the party to the level at which Ghanaians chose it over and above the ruling NPP. They did not only mouth but worked assiduously for political power-change. However, it is instructive to note that in all these years, Ghanaian president-elect; John Mahama Dramani was the face of opposition in truth and deed.

* BOLAJI AFOLABI, a development communications specialist was with the Office of Public Affairs in The Presidency.

By Sonny Aragba-Akpore

After over five years of bickerings on the debts owed by Money Deposit Banks(DMBs) for Unstructured Supplementary Service Data (USSD) platforms,respite is underway.

USSD is the platform through which bank customers transfer money digitally on their phones without resorting to the internet.

USSD banking is an SMS-based mobile banking service, where a USSD shortcode is used to access financial services like transfers, bill payments, airtime among others.
Unstructured Supplementary Service Data (USSD) allows users without a smartphone or data/internet connection to use mobile banking through codes specific to each bank.

There is however a 150.18 percent decline in USSD usage for financial transactions as users move to Internet banking.

According to the CBN, the total transaction value with USSD was N2.19 trillion between January and June 2024, a decline of 54.75 percent from N4.84 trillion in the same period of 2023.

The volume of transactions fell by 150.18 percent to 252.06 million from 630.6 million.

In 2021 when GSM services turned 20 in Nigeria the then Group Managing Director of Zenith Bank Plc, Mr Ebenezer Onyeagwu, said, “The introduction of USSD changed everything. Without telecoms infrastructure, there is no USSD code.”

But this sentiment is not shared by many bank executives including Segun Agbaje, CEO of GTCO, who recently stated, “If you want to charge N20 for the service, go ahead. But collect it yourself. Don’t come to us.”

According to industry sources, the non-payment of this debt, which telcos peg at N250 billion, has led to an investment slowdown in USSD infrastructure.

The December 20,2024 joint memo by CBN and NCC seeks to clean up the protracted USSD mess and enforce payment timelines.

> While the banks own the accounts,the Mobile Network Operators (MNOS) own the networks.

> But there have been disagreements on payment terms that have plagued the banking and telecommunications sectors so much that the Central Bank (CBN) and the Nigerian Communications Commission ( NCC) had to intervene several times in the past to see how the matter could be resolved.

> All that failed until December 20,2024 when a circular was endorsed by both regulators on the way forward.

The Circular signed by Ag Director, Banking Payments System Department at CBN ,Oladimeji Yisa Taiwo and Chizua Whyte,Head,Legal and Regulatory Services at the NCC stated that:

> the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC)
> are deeply concerned that the protracted dispute between Deposit Money Banks (DMBs) and
> Mobile Network Operators (MNO) over the usage of the MNOs USSD platform for banking
> services has remained unresolved despite best efforts.

> “In view of the foregoing, the CBN and the NCC hereby direct DMBs and MNOs as follows:
> . That sixty per cent 60% of all pre-API invoices must be paid as full and final settlement
> of such invoices. In this regard, payment plans (lump sum or installments) must be
> agreed between a concerned DMB and MNO by January 2, 2025. For the avoidance
> of doubt, where installmental payment is proposed by a DMB, such proposal must be
> based on equal monthly instalments, and payment must be completed by July 2, 2025
> at the latest. That in furtherance of earlier resolutions by the CBN and the NCC, M B s must pay
> eighty-five per cent (85%) of all outstanding invoices issued after the implementation
> of Application Programming Interfaces (API) (i.e. February 2022) between the
> concerned DMB and MNO (i.e. post-API debts) by December 31, 2024. Similarly,
> eighty-five per cent (85%) of all future invoices must be liquidated within one month
> of service of the invoice.

> .That subject to satisfactory implementation of the directives in Paragraphs 1 and 2
> above and in furtherance of the understanding between DMBs and MNOs on
> transition to End-User Billing (EUB), the NCC will activate the necessary regulatory
> processes to revert to EUB. Only MNOs and DMBs in full compliance with
> Paragraphs 1 and 2 above will be allowed to transition to EUB.

The NCC and the CBN
> will provide guidance on public enlightenment measures in respect of the transition in
> due course.

> .That pending completion of the transitional arrangements in Paragraph 3 above,
> MNOs are to adopt the “10-seconds rule” for USSD invoicing. This means that any
> USSD session lasting less than ten seconds is not billable.

> .DMBs on prepaid billing would also have the opportunity to migrate to EUB subject
> to conclusion of the regulatory processes stated in Paragraph 3 above.
> That DMBs and MNOs should immediately discontinue any legal proceedings on the subject matter forthwith.

The circular advised that “DMBs and MNOs should immediately discontinue any litigation by them or on
> their behalf on the matter.DMBs and MNOs are directed to ensure full implementation of the Directives
> contained in this Joint Circular and to note that non-compliance will attract
> necessary sanctions within the respective regulatory powers of the CBN and the NCC”.
Gbenga Adebayo,an Engineer and Chairman of Association of Licensed Telecommunications Operators of Nigeria (ALTON) confirmed the development saying:
“The dispute over Unstructured Supplementary Service Data (USSD) charges between Nigerian banks and telecommunications companies (telcos) has been ongoing since 2019. The disagreement centers on who should bear the costs associated with USSD services used for financial transactions. “

“In October 2019, the issue became public when banks refused to pay for USSD services utilized by their customers, proposing instead that telcos adopt end-user billing. Telcos disagreed, citing potential double billing and regulatory restrictions.

By August 2020, the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) reported that banks owed telcos approximately ₦17 billion in USSD charges. “

Despite regulatory interventions, the debt continued to accumulate, reaching about ₦42 billion by 2020 and further increasing in subsequent years. “
“As of December 2024, the outstanding USSD debt is estimated at ₦250 billion.

The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and the NCC have issued directives for banks and telcos to settle this debt, with specific payment plans and deadlines extending into 2025. “

He explained in summary, that the USSD debt between Nigerian banks and telcos has been outstanding for over five years, originating in 2019 and persisting through to the present day sadly “.

On Friday December 27,2024 the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) approved the disconnection of Exchange Telecommunications Ltd. from MTN Nigeria network due to the non-settlement of interconnect charges.
The commission made this known in a public notice signed by Reuben Muoka, the Public Affairs Director at NCC,”The Exchange Telecommunications is a local and international interconnect carrier.
The Nigerian Communications Commission hereby notifies the public that approval has been granted for the disconnection of Exchange Telecommunications Ltd.
(Exchange) from MTN Nigeria Communications Ltd. (MTN) as a result of non-settlement of interconnect charges,” NCC said.

The commission noted that the Exchange was notified of the application and was given opportunity to comment and state its case.

It said that the commission, having examined the application and circumstances surrounding the indebtedness, determined that the Exchange does not have sufficient reason for non-payment of the interconnect charges.

NCC said the disconnection of the Exchange Telecommunications to MTN was in accordance with Section 100 of the Nigerian Communications Act, 2003 and the Guidelines on Procedure for Granting Approval to Disconnect Telecommunications Operators, 2012.
“At the expiration of five days from the date of this notice, MTN will discontinue passing voice and data traffic through Exchange and will, thereafter, utilise alternative channels in interconnecting with other network service
providers.

BY BOLAJI AFOLABI

The out-going year has being a special one; variously described, and decorated with flowing and fitting epaulettes. To many people, 2024 is a year of elections. As though planned, about four-dozen countries in Europe, America, Asia, and the Middle East conducted national and regional elections into various legislative and presidential positions. Elections held in the United States of America; Britain; Portugal; Finland; Uruguay; India; Mexico; Jordan; South Korea; Croatia; and Pakistan. Others included Dominican Republic; Belgium; Austria; Venezuela; Indonesia; Sri Lanka; Syria; North Korea; Romania; Bolivia; and Bangladesh. Less popular, and little known nations including El Salvador; Azerbaijan; Taiwan; Panama; San Marino; Solomon Islands; Bhutan; Palau; Tuvalu; and Mongolia also made the cut.

Africa is not left out. About twelve countries in the continent conducted presidential, legislative or local elections. In Comoros; aptly dubbed small archipelago off Africa’s east coast, President Azali Assoumani; former military officer who staged successful coup in 1999 won fourth-term election into the country’s highest office. The Frelimo Party, and Daniel Chapo won the presidential elections in Mozambique, extending it’s dominance to almost 50 years. In Namibia, the SWAPO party consolidated it’s total grip of power and governance by electing Ms. Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah as the country’s first female president. Though Cyril Ramaphosa won re-election as South Africa’s president but his party, the African National Congress (ANC) failed to post outright majority, for the first time since Late Nelson Mandela emerged the “rainbow” country’s president in 1994. The ANC had to form a unity government; coalition with other political parties.

Elsewhere, history was made in Senegal, a country that prides herself as the home of democracy in Africa. Forty-four year old Bassirou Diomaye Faye became president in a largely one-sided elections. By this pace-setting feat, the country’s opposition leader who was released from prison few weeks to the elections, became African’s youngest (democratically elected) president. In Botswana, for the first time in 6 decades, an opposition leader; Duma Gideon Boko was elected as president. The development was a milestone as the country has being governed by one party in about 60 years. President Paul Kagame of Rwanda won with about 100 percent of the votes to extend his foothold for close to 30 years.

The December 7 presidential and parliamentary elections in Ghana was unique in several ways. Regarded as West Africa’s democracy lodestar, the elections emerged as arguably the most predictable since the country transitioned to democratic rule in January 1993. Given the preponderance of economic, social, political, and development challenges, many people in various platforms, and handles had postulated victory for the opposition. Like most countries in Africa, Ghana, the 2nd largest cocoa producer in the world, was battling with pervading inflation; accentuating poverty; spiraling depreciation of the national currency; and escalating indebtedness. Also the nation got stuck with non-ingenious foreign borrowings; multifaceted corruption; disabling unemployment; decapitated infrastructure; illegal, mindless gold mining (famously called “galamsey”); leadership ineptness; and citizens unbelievability in government.

Little wonder at the end of the December 7 elections, a new dawn was opened in Ghana’s democratic odyssey. The National Democratic Congress, (NDC) defeated the New Patriotic Party, (NPP) in both the presidential and parliamentary elections. The NDC’s John Dramani Mahama recorded 6,328,397 (56.55 percent) as against NPP’s Mahamudu Bawumia who polled 4,657,304 (41.61 percent) to emerge as the president-elect. At the parliamentary elections, the NDC won 186, while NPP got 81 out of the 267 results declared so far in the 276-legislative body. The parliamentary result is historic and trail-blazing in many ways. The NDC did not only achieved the threshold of 139 seats to have majority but won 47 seats more, and thus became the first political party to achieve this enviable record. The NDC’s electoral triumph was comprehensive, and overwhelming such that Bawumia of NPP conceded victory while few of the results were just being declared by the country’s Electoral Commission headed by Ms. Jean Adukwei Mensa, who was appointed in July 2018, and allegedly accused of being pro-NPP.

The Ghana’s elections presents remarkable, and inspiring templates. The NDC’s candidate, former Ghana’s vice president (2009 – 2012) became president after the death (while in office) of John Atta Mills in July 2012. Mahama, like Goodluck Jonathan subsequently got elected for a 4-year term in December 2012, when he defeated the out-going president, Nana Akufo-Addo, who was the NPP candidate then. Mahama, by the way lost his re-election aspiration in 2016 to Nana Akufo-Addo. By that defeat, like Jonathan, Mahama became the first and only sitting Ghanian president to lose elections while in office. Mahama, whose late father; Emmanuel Adama Mahama was a former member of parliament, Minister and Adviser in Nkrumah and Liman’s respective government lost again to Nana Akufo-Addo in 2020, still as the NDC candidate.

NDC’s victory meant it avoided the negative honour of being the first party to be in opposition after three consecutive elections. Conversely, it denied the NPP of becoming Ghana’s first party to break the circle of eight years dominance. Thus, since 1992 when Ghana embraced democracy, no political party has won beyond 2 consecutive terms at the country’s presidential election. Bawumia, the 61 year old out-going vice president, and NPP candidate; Head of Nana Akufo-Addo’s Economic Management Team, and former Deputy Governor, Ghana’s Central Bank, arguably becomes the country’s first-sitting number 2 man to lose presidential elections. Mahama’s running mate; Prof. Jane Naana Opoku-Agyemang, who was his former Education Minister made history as the first female vice president of the country. That she was picked as running mate; second time in two consecutive elections, is a measure of Mahama’s confidence in the capacities of the 72 years old retired academic, and his believe, respect for gender inclusivity in governance.

As expected, the thrills and frills of Ghana elections has generated reactions. Across the world, the effects and lessons of the polls keeps reverberating in public discourses within and outside Africa. Given the unique, and salient features and outcomes of the elections, many people in Nigeria have learnt their voices to it. The deluge of comments and opinions are far-reaching and encompassing. From policy makers to politicians, institutions, and individuals, many Nigerians are having “their say” on the matter. While few of the comments are logical, some lacked merit, and many are outrightly deceptive, cynical, and comical. They can be described as ego-tripping, and tongue-foolery.

One is happy that the opposition parties are sounding upbeat, and brimming with confidence that the Ghana-experience can happen in Nigeria in 2027. Few opposition leaders even pontificate that with Ghana’s NDC having similar logo-colour with the PDP, it is hopeful that the umbrella party have realistic chances of re-capturing political power in 2027. It is good to dream but such should be backed with very realistic, and focussed doggedness. Perhaps it is trite to reiterate that election winning goes beyond similarities of logo, and colour. The PDP; being the major opposition party should show the way to others in it’s group.

True Ghana’s presidential and parliamentary elections holds once every 4 years; like Nigeria but can one rightly equate party politics in both countries? On the writer’s first visit to Ghana in 2011, after interaction with different categories of people, it was evidently clear that our neighbors, though smaller in population and geographical size are ahead of our dear country in many ways. The reality is that in Ghana, politics is built on ideologies, and ingrained on members from generation to generation. Dramani’s long history with the NDC, and Nana Akufo-Addo’s stay with the NPP are obvious proofs of the party culture, focus, and discipline in Ghana. Party leaders and members are resolute to swim or sink with their respective parties not minding results of elections. Dramani, since he lost the presidential election to Nana Akufo-Addo in 2016, stayed with the NDC by frontally playing his role as the leader, and face of opposition. Happily, his consistency, reliability, doggedness, and commitment was rewarded by Ghanaians at the December 7 elections.

Do we have a semblance of similitude in Nigeria. Here, it is bad that almost all the political parties do not have known ideologies. Even where they have, are they followed with iron-cast resoluteness and believe? Political parties are mainly, and merely used as special purpose vehicles to gain power, and have access to the perks of office. The common, and easily noticeable feature among majority of our politicians is “jumpology.” They regal in shameless, rudderless, and unprincipled gale of defections from party to party after every election circle. Painfully, this disturbing trend has become normalized since 1999, such that very few politicians have not moved from one divide to the other. Sadly, unlike Ghana, politics here is driven by greed, selfish desires, and personal ambitions; which are most cases inordinate and self-seeking.

True democracy can only thrive where there is credible opposition that can effectively and efficiently check and balance the ruling party. Rather than making juicy comments, and salacious opinions about the reenactment of the Ghana political heroics in Nigeria, politicians should do the needful. In doing this, there must be sincere house-cleaning whence some politicians would have to go upstairs and assume advisory roles in their respective parties. Some would have to “sacrifice” their ambitions to various positions. Many should consciously imbibe the true meaning of politics as service to the people. True party discipline should be enthroned. Without operationalizing these, and more necessary fundamentals, expectations of the Ghana-experience will remain a vaunting ambition, and mirage.

* BOLAJI AFOLABI, a development communications specialist was with the Office of Public Affairs in The Presidency.