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Foreign Policy: The Path To Peace In A Dangerous Neighbourhood

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Nigeria’s foreign policy to promote peace and prosperity is a constitutional obligation as much as it is a considered and sensible manifesto pledge, writes Ambassador Yusuf Tuggar (OON) Minister of Foreign Affairs.
I was born in a civil war and was not able to vote for my leader until I was in my 30s. Nigeria is now a country guided by the rule of law and a constitution that clearly defines our system of government. This includes our foreign policy objectives, and rightly so, because in an interconnected world, we define our sovereignty in the context of certain, key principles: our right to self-determination; our right to defend our autonomy and secure our borders; and responsibility to respect our obligations under international law.
As foreign minister, I think these provisions are not just reasonable but vital – both for our own democracy, domestic peace and prosperity but also for a more just and stable international order. But the point is this: it is the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, not the manifesto of a political party or predilections of a particular politician, that lays out these provisions. In a democracy, we have the privilege of healthy debate about our values, policies and performance. But if we are to live up to the responsibilities that come with democracy, that debate should be informed, fair and reasonable.
I respect the Constitution and its vision for Nigeria’s place in the international community, as do many of us. It has been an honour and a privilege to protect and promote those constitutional principles. They are the best guarantees for legitimacy, and the authority all governments need if they are to deliver. It is complex and time consuming. To our cost, we have learnt that there are no short cuts. Some Nigerians find fault in our Constitution, while others seek to amend it. There is always room for serious debate in a healthy democracy. But the fact remains it is the very document that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and every public official has sworn to uphold since 1999.
Nigeria’s Constitution declares that sovereignty belongs to the people of Nigeria, from whom government, through this Constitution, derives all its powers and authority. The same Chapter of the Constitution goes on to state Nigeria’s five foreign policy objectives: promotion and protection of the national interest, African integration and support for African unity, promotion of international cooperation for peace and mutual respect, respect of international law and treaty obligations and promotion of a just world economic order. Those who suggest Nigeria does not have a foreign policy or those who agitate for a shift away from an Afro-centric foreign policy are wrong; either they are ill-informed, or deliberately disingenuous.
The irony of it all is that Nigerians are able to speak in support of our military-ruled neighbours, governed without constitutions, precisely because Chapter Four of our own constitution guarantees them these rights and freedoms. This is not the same for the citizens ruled by the very regimes for which they seek to cheerlead of those countries governed without constitutions. Nigerians who are older than 30 know this to be true because we have been there, done that. Somehow in the passage of time, some forget that the military regime here that despatched troops to restore democracy in Sierra Leone and Liberia in the 1990s had first – and by force – taken that same democracy and rule of law away from us – just as military regimes continue to do the world over.
The Constitution also makes clear why any responsible Nigerian government should be concerned when neighbours are governed without a constitution or codified rules. It goes without saying that the sovereignty of our neighbours is their business. They can grant powers to whatever governing structures they deem fit and should expect their autonomy to remain safeguarded. But when our Interdependence Sovereignty overlaps, we equally have a right to exercise control over our borders in those cases where neighbours face insurgencies that significantly comprise territorial integrity and state authority.
International Legal Sovereignty also becomes an issue when we consider that respect for international law and treaty obligations is one of our irreducible foreign policy objectives. This is not the Tinubu administration’s foreign policy; it is a constitutional provision that every Nigerian President and government official swears to uphold. Nigeria is a member of ECOWAS, which is founded on treaties and protocols to which our foreign policy objectives commit us. All 15 member countries are signatory to the treaties and protocols, which is why it was no surprise that President Tinubu, as one who swore to uphold the Constitution, abided by it when ECOWAS leaders collectively objected to Unconstitutional Changes of Government.
In reality, the contemporary nation-state system is highly competitive and Nigeria exists in a self-help world. Our Constitution and international laws are meant to serve as guard rails in navigating the system. And by virtue of our size, we have the additional responsibility of being the regional power. Regardless of how some may try to diminish our standing, it is the way other countries perceive us. Our Constitution further reifies this leadership role right from the preamble- dedicating ourselves to promoting inter-African solidarity, to the foreign policy objectives- promotion of African integration and support for African unity and elimination of discrimination in all its manifestations.
The Tinubu administration comes at a time when an interlocking suite of occurrences have made our neighbourhood less secure; implosion of Libya, failure of the EU Sahel Strategy, terrorism and criminal gangs, effects of climate change and population explosion. Nigeria did not create these challenges and was equally contending with its own domestic issue as these challenges escalated. Nigeria was not part of Operation Barkhane or the G5 in the Sahel, which were intended as efforts to fight terrorism and irregular migration but instead strengthened some irridentist Azawad/Tuareg groups that controlled border areas. This created a cauldron of disharmony between them and their national militaries, trained for a lifetime to keep their countries intact.
Nor was Nigeria part of the Partnership Framework with Third countries that conditioned aid and trade deals for Sahelian migration transit states in exchange for reducing the flow of migrants, with penalties for those who do not comply. In the case of Niger, a moment of truth was the passing of Law 2015-36 in May 2015 when its government, in consultation with the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and technical and financial support from the European Union and its member states, criminalized ancillary activities of the migration economy, such as providing transportation and accommodation to foreign nationals anywhere north of Agadez, in direct contravention of ECOWAS Protocol on the free movement of people. They were persuaded to use a blunt hammer to crack a delicate nut. There is a highly politicised migration crisis in parts of Europe, that together we can and should resolve. But it was reckless to seek to solve one problem by creating another.
There is a reason why we have free movement in West Africa; seasonal migration- referred to in Hausa as ‘Ci Rani’. Seasonal migration in the semi-arid Sahel can be a matter of life and death, which is why we have always had turbaned Tuaregs going as far as Lagos and Port Harcourt to work as Maigadis (security) during the dry months, only to return back north during the rainy season. The weaponisation of sub-Saharan migration in Europe as a political tool led to the securitisation of the Sahel region, further exacerbating the security situation by forcing many of those affected to turn to criminal activities and terrorism. European migration figures show majority of migrants are from Syria, Afghanistan and Central Asia, not sub-Saharan Africa.
Yes, we need to work with our Sahelian neighbours to fight terrorism, by maintaining a right of pursuit into each others territories. But it would be myopic to think of this in absolutist terms, because we can accede to all conditionalities laid by them, it would still not be enough to tackle the challenges without a lasting solution to the bifurcated Libyan State as a source of weapons, training and fighters, as well as the shadowy involvement of a range of other state and non-state actors.
To achieve a lasting peace in Libya and the Sahel, Nigeria needs to deal with all the countries in the neighbourhood as well as all the major powers. For this reason, it does not make sense to simply deduce that Nigeria has to distance itself from France because that is the prevailing trend in its former colonies. The fulcrum of the Tinubu administration’s foreign policy is Strategic Autonomy, providing us with the clarity to engage with any and all nations based on our national interests and not those of others. As a nation, Nigeria is adult enough and sophisticated enough to deal with countries without being unduly influenced, because that has been part of our historical and civic tradition. You cannot cure an illness by picking which symptoms to consider and which to ignore.
Nigeria and ECOWAS will continue diplomatic efforts towards Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso. At a minimum, we have shared interest in peaceful co-existence. President Tinubu has sent a number of high-level delegations that included a former Head of State, traditional rulers and religious scholars. President Tinubu pushed for the unconditional removal of ECOWAS sanctions imposed on Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso. What he has consistently asked of the countries in question is for them to come up with a timetable for the restoration of constitutional rule and, in the case of Niger, the release of ousted President Bazoum.
Their response was to declare their intention to leave ECOWAS. With the one-year notice period coming to an end in January 2025, President Tinubu further pushed for ECOWAS to extend the grace period for another six months whilst intensifying diplomatic efforts. The response to this initiative last month was evidence-free allegations that Nigeria was harbouring foreign soldiers and as sponsoring state terrorism. Whenever President Tinubu and other democratic leaders offer stoic statesmanship and an opportunity to work together towards our common interests, it is met by confected controversy designed to divert and distract from a failure to meet the basic responsibilities of public administration. I know why coup leaders might seek to do that: it’s harder to understand the motives of apologists closer to home.
On my part, since assuming the office of Minister of Foreign Affairs on 21st August 2023, I have engaged diplomatically without pause, proposing personal visits and inviting senior government officials and representatives. Response has been akin to a diplomatic cold shoulder. We constituted a ministerial advisory committee that visited Niger and Mali and facilitated the visit of the Nigerian CDS to meet with his counterpart in Niamey. I regret that a proposed return visit was suspended by Niger after a date had been set. But let there be no doubt: we will continue to pursue diplomatic efforts assiduously, with a Ministry of Foreign Affairs that has existed for 67 years.
Nigeria’s principle of strategic autonomy is one that abhors the presence of foreign forces and private military companies in our region, whether from east or west. Nigeria presently has troops on peace keeping operations in Guinea Bissau and Gambia, with Sierra Leone on the way, where it is also supporting the setting up of a logistics base in Lungi. Nigeria is also leading the actualisation of the ECOWAS standby force, all in an effort to fight terrorism and instability within our region under the rule of law. We work closely with our partners on sharing of intelligence in order to guarantee the same rights and freedoms are enjoyed by all the people of the region.
As several of my colleagues in the region remind me, we are the hegemon, whether we admit it or not. And global politics works almost like physics, with polarity, ordering principles, distribution of power, balancing, etc. Nigeria has never had expansionist tendencies, never been threatening towards our neighbours and always chosen the path of peace and conciliation. This in part may have to do with the makeup of our polity and social fabric. Being such a huge country, we are used to the virtues of principled compromise. It is not by accident that we are the only country on the continent with six former leaders living in peace and harmony within our borders. Diversity, not division, is our strength. This is as true for Nigeria as it is for the smallest of countries – and collectively for all of our region.
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20 Nigerian Slangs Among 500 New Words, Phrases in Oxford English, ‘gele’, ‘japa’, 419 l, others made list

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By Kayode Sanni-Arewa

The Oxford English Dictionary (EOD) has released a list of 500 new words and phrases added to the English Language lexicon.

The new words and phrases come from different countries especially from West Africa and East Asia, including Japan, Nigeria, Korea, Ghana, Philippines among many others.

Nigeria has the most influence from the African continent with 20 words and phrases while Ghana has seven new words and phrases adopted into the lexicon.

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In an introductory article authored by Lexicographer and the Executive Director of the OED, Danica Salazar, she paid tribute to two Nigerian authors, Flora Nwakpa and Ben Okri whose works introduced some of the words originating from Nigeria.

According to her, “In Nigerian cookery, suya is a dish consisting of thinly sliced pieces of spiced meat grilled or roasted on a skewer, usually sold by street vendors and eaten as a snack. Its first quotation in the OED was taken from a piece published in the literary magazine Présence Africaine, written by Nigerian author Flora Nwapa, considered to be the mother of modern African literature: ‘Will you eat suya Ona?’ Phil asked me. ‘Oh yes. I hear they have delicious suya here.’”

“Abi, another borrowing from Yoruba, is used in Nigerian English as a sentence adverb to mean clearly, obviously, of course. It is also used interrogatively, at the end of a statement, to prompt agreement, approval, or confirmation, like ‘isn’t that so?’ or ‘am I not correct?’. Its first quotation in the OED is from the 1980 novel Flowers and Shadows by Nigerian-born British poet and novelist Ben Okri: ‘If one doesn’t talk doesn’t mean one is foolish, abi’.”

Also, Nigerian linguist and consultant to OED, Kingsley Ugwuanyi who played a part in the current listing expressed excitement over the inclusion of Nigerian words and phrases into the lexicon. In a statement shared on his Linkedin page, Ugwuanyi revealed that he also played a role in the pronunciation of the new words and phrases.

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He wrote:

“I’m thrilled to announce that the Oxford English Dictionary (OED) Oxford Languages | OUP has officially published its latest updates, featuring an amazing collection of Nigerian English words that beautifully reflect Nigeria’s culture, creativity, and the unique ways we express ourselves as Nigerians.

“This time, I not only drafted most of the words but also had the incredible opportunity to provide their hashtag#pronunciations! So, when you explore the OED online and click on the pronunciations, you’ll hear my hashtag#voice bringing these words to life.”

Below is the full list of the new entries from Nigeria, Ghana, Japan and Korea:

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Ghanaian English

azonto, n.
banku, n.
burger, n.2
burger highlife, n.
galamsey, n.
galamseyer, n.
Veronica bucket, n.
Nigerian English

419, n.
abi, adv.
adire, n.
agbero, n.
area boy, n.
cross-carpeting, n.
cross-carpet, v.
gele, n.2
jand, n.
jand, v.
janded, adj.
Japa, n.
japa. v.
Naija, n. and adj.
suya, n.
to yarn dust, phrase in yarn, v.
yahoo, n.2
yahoo boy, n.
Words of Korean origin

dalgona, n.
dalgona coffee, n.
hyung, n.
jjigae, n.
maknae, n.
noraebang, n.
pansori, n.
tteokbokki, n.
Words of Japanese origin

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dorayaki, n.
furikake, n.
furoshiki, n.
gaman, n.
gaman, v.
Golden Week, n.
J-, comb._form
maneki-neko, n.
omiyage, n.
omurice, n.
sando, n.2

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Tax Reform: Gov Sule dismisses claims of rift with President Tinubu

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The governor of Nasarawa State, Abdullahi Sule, has faulted the efforts to create a wedge between President Bola Tinubu and governors of the North over the controversial tax reform bills currently at the National Assembly, saying the governors who worked for his emergence have never and are not working against him.

Governor Sule made the disclosure on Friday while receiving a delegation from the Christian Association of Nigeria, CAN, who visited him at the Government House in Lafia. He explained that what the northern governors called for was the need for further consultation on the tax reform bill before the National Assembly, which encompasses the Value Added Tax.

He accused some vested interests of spreading false information with the intent to cause political tension through unfounded insinuations that the northern governors were opposed to the president.

According to Sule, people who were opposed to Tinubu’s presidency are now pretending to be his better supporters more than those who fought for his victory.

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For some people making noise and saying the Northern governors are fighting the President, nobody is fighting the President. How could you fight a President who has made you look good? This is the truth. All we are saying is that some aspects of it, we need to look into it,” he said.

Sule thanked President Tinubu for enacting policies that have made governance and development easy in Nasarawa State without going into debt, saying he could not kick against a leader who has made meaningful contributions to the state’s progress.

The governor said there was a need for better understanding of some of the provisions in the tax reform bills. “We called for the withdrawal of the bills to review some aspects. They said it’s a wrong language, that amendments can be made without withdrawing the bills. I said that’s fine. I’m not looking for any trouble,” he explained.

On Value Added Tax, Governor Sule leaned on his private sector experience to impress upon its necessity for state finances.

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He explained that Nasarawa State receives over N4 billion monthly from VAT, which has been very critical for its capital projects. He expressed apprehension over possible changes in the formula for sharing VAT due to the implication for states like Nasarawa, which rely so much on such revenue with their very meager IGR.

I know more about VAT than most of those arguing about it. Having been a chief executive, I know how it is generated and used. Today, it is the lifeblood of many states. Take away VAT from FAAC and you will see how we will all be struggling to fund projects, and I must speak for my people.”.

Governor Sule thanked the CAN Chairman, Very Reverend Dr. Sunday Emma, and his team for calling on the government to create more awareness on the tax reforms. He aligned himself with the call for comprehensive sensitization to be given to Nigerians on the proposed changes.

If they do proper sensitization and address the VAT issue, I will be fully supportive of the tax reforms. But it will be difficult without that, especially for states with low IGR,” he concluded.

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Earlier, Dr. Emma had urged both federal and state governments to prioritize awareness campaigns about the tax reforms to foster greater public understanding and inclusion.

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Why some stations sell petrol above N1,000/litre — Marketers

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Marketers of petroleum products say filling stations still sell Premium Motor Spirit, otherwise called petrol, above N1,000 per litre because they have yet to sell out the old stock.

According to them, the old stock of PMS was bought at the rate of N970 and many still have the product in their tanks.

The PUNCH reported that on December 19, 2024, the Dangote refinery slashed the ex-depot price of its petrol from N970 to N899.50 per litre.

Similarly, the Dangote refinery announced its partnership with MRS Petrol station to sell petrol from its retail outlets nationwide at N935 per litre.

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The President of Dangote Industries Limited, Aliko Dangote, clarified that the reduction in the price of PMS was primarily driven by the complex dynamics of market forces.

This generated what some called a price war in the downstream sector, forcing the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited to reduce its ex-depot price to N899 per litre.

Since the price cuts, NNPC retail outlets in Lagos and its environs have adjusted their pumps to N925/litre.

Similarly, some major marketers were forced to sell petrol below N1,000 a litre. Some sell at N990, N980, N950 or N935.

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However, our correspondent observed that despite the price reduction, many filling stations are still selling a litre of petrol above N1,000.

In many filling stations in Lagos, Ogun and many other states, the price still goes for as high as N1,070 per litre.

Although some have effected some changes, they still sell around N1,050, N1,030, N1,010 or N1,000 per litre as of Wednesday.

The price disparity between these filling stations and those owned by major marketers has been blamed for the queues in the latter.

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Speaking in an interview with our correspondent, the National Vice President of the Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria, Hammed Fashola, said the marketers were still struggling with the old stock they bought at the old price.

Fashola maintained that the reduction cannot just take effect immediately.

“Some of our members have old stocks. So, there’s no way they can just start immediately. It’s only when they go back to the market to purchase at the lower price, then they will start selling at the new price. If you look around, as of yesterday, I see many of our members have come down to N940 or N935 in Lagos. So, by next week, you will see more of them. Once they finish with their old stock, they will start selling at the reduced rate,” Fashola stated.

According to him, marketers are aware of the competition out there and no one wants to be left behind.

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“You cannot deceive yourself. This is competition. This is what we have been asking for. So, if you like, put your fuel at N1,500, nobody will buy it. So, it’s not deliberate. If you are still seeing a few of us that are still selling at N1,000, it is because of the old stock. Once they finish with their old stocks, they will start selling at the lower price,” he emphasised.

When Fashola was reminded that the filling stations would not have retained the old price if the price had gone up, he replied, “Well, as a businessman, your purpose is to remain in the business. So, if you make a huge loss, you can go down. That’s just it. It is natural.”

Nonetheless, the IPMAN Vice President maintained that a lot of marketers are now making losses due to the price reduction.

“Even at that, some of us still make losses. I can tell you that some people when their stock gets to a level that they can bear the loss, they will reduce their prices. I can take myself an example. Some of my stations yesterday, when we looked at our stock, maybe we had 20,000 litres in some of our stations, we calculated our losses and I thought it was minimal. So, we reduced our prices despite being the old stock.

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“That’s the truth. That’s because people are running away. That’s the reality. Many of our members are doing that too. When they calculate the loss and they can bear this loss, they fix a new price,” he stated.

While acknowledging the positive impacts of deregulation, Fashola noted that there is also a negative effect to it.

“The negative effect of deregulation is like what we are just discussing. If you buy a product at maybe, N1,000 today, and tomorrow, the price goes down to N950. You’ve already recorded a N50 loss. You buy a product today from a depot and the following day, the price goes down. Have you finished that stock? It’s not possible. That is the negative aspect of it. Therefore, you have to be careful. You have to go with information before you make your purchases, even before you make your imports.

“And there are some factors you have to consider. That is the exchange rate and the crude oil price. Those are the major factors that determine the price of petroleum products. So, you have to be futuristic. You have to be able to project very well before you make your move. Otherwise, you enter into trouble. That is one of the negative aspects of deregulation. But, we have to cope with it,” he explained.

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The marketer lamented that those in the business now face financial challenges following the removal of fuel subsidies.

As the price of PMS rose from N200 to N1,000 per litre, Fashola disclosed that marketers are finding it difficult to do business, especially as the interest rate rises monthly in banks.

“When you go to the bank, you know the interest you will pay. So, which way? We need more money to remain in business–more money, but with a little margin. This is really impacting on us. But we all call for deregulation and we have to live by it. We don’t have an option,” he added.

Fashola advised marketers to get themselves prepared for the challenges ahead, the reality, and the new trend, saying “We cannot be doing our business the way we used to do it before.”

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On his part, the National Publicity Secretary of the Petroleum Products Retail Outlet Owners Association of Nigeria, Joseph Obele, said no member of the association has bought fuel at the reduced rate.

“None of our members has bought at the reduced rate at the moment,” Obele said, justifying why some filling stations still sell PMS at a higher rate.

He added that there was a wide disparity between the price of PMS in Lagos and Port Harcourt or other places far from Lagos.

According to him, the NNPC sells PMS at N899 in Lagos and N970 in Port Harcourt due to logistics.

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Credit: PUNCH

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