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Reforms: How Nigeria and Kenya are rewriting Africa’s procurement “playbook”

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By Sufuyan Ojeifo

An article in TheCable edition of July 4, 2025, entitled: “Lessons from Kenya’s e-procurement revolution,” examined the East African country’s e-procurement reforms and the rapid transformation in how it buys and spends.

It was a good read. And what it did, perhaps without meaning to, was remind us that Nigeria is also on a procurement reform journey of its own.

Quietly but steadily, the Bureau of Public Procurement (BPP), under the leadership of Dr Adebowale Adedokun, is turning procurement into a national development tool. Just like Kenya, Nigeria is rewriting the rules. And the progress deserves to be noted.

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As the Director General of BPP, Dr. Adedokun likes to point out that public procurement is the engine of national development. And it so happens that simultaneously, Nigeria and Kenya are revving up in style.

In Nigeria, procurement accounts for roughly 30 per cent of government spending, delivering roads, hospitals, and schools. Kenya, according to recent figures, saves KES 85.9 billion annually (about 0.9 per cent of its GDP) through its e-procurement system.

To call a spade a spade, both countries have battled procurement fraud and inefficiency. Nigeria, for instance, lost ₦2.9 trillion to fraud between 2018 and 2020 alone, with ₦197 billion flagged in procurement-related irregularities in 2023. However, both countries are now fighting back with bold reforms.

Under President Bola Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, Nigeria’s procurement reforms are homegrown and purpose-built. They reflect Nigeria’s complexities, ambitions, and realities.

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The BPP’s transformation is not only digital but also institutional and cultural. As Dr. Adedokun puts it, “For every inflated contract, a Nigerian suffers. That’s the pain we’re ending.”

● Digital transformation and smart systems

Kenya’s e-Government procurement system is already delivering results by integrating procurement with iTax and IFMIS platforms. Nigeria’s counterpart is the Nigeria Open Contracting Portal (NOCOPO), which aligns with the Open Contracting Data Standard. NOCOPO now allows real-time tracking of procurement activities, with monthly publication of contracts mandated for all MDAs.

To be clear, Nigeria’s systems go even further by leveraging artificial intelligence and blockchain technologies. These tools have been built for Nigeria’s mobile-first infrastructure, ensuring process integrity even in rural or low-connectivity areas. According to Dr. Adedokun, “Our systems are built for Nigeria’s realities, not imported solutions.”

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● Efficiency gains

The referenced article in TheCable reported that Kenya had seen significant cost and time savings across counties. To be fair, Nigeria, through its decentralisation policy, has achieved similar results.

Only contracts above ₦5 billion for goods or consultancy and ₦10 billion for works now require Federal Executive Council (FEC) approval. This flexibility has reduced contract processing time by up to 300 per cent.

Additionally, the BPP now handles no-objection requests within 20 working days.

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Moreover, from January to 17 June 2025 alone, the Bureau saved ₦173,762,059,693.19, $155,050,600.87, and €1,741,219.71 through price intelligence and cost benchmarking.

● Inclusion and local content

Kenya’s Access to Government Procurement Opportunities [AGPO] initiative reserves 30 per cent of contracts for youth, women, and persons with disabilities. Interestingly, Nigeria’s approach is similarly ambitious but tailored to its diverse procurement landscape.

Through the Affirmative Procurement Initiative and Community-Based Public Procurement, the BPP promotes participation by micro, small, and medium enterprises, women-owned firms, and persons with disabilities.

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In tandem, the Nigeria First policy actively prioritises local manufacturing and services. This localisation drive is not merely patriotic; it is strategic. As Dr. Adedokun rightly says, “Every naira spent locally fuels Nigeria’s industrial revival.”

● Capacity building and professionalisation

While Kenya trains its officers through the Kenya School of Government, Nigeria’s strategy centres on the Nigeria Procurement Certification Programme (NPCP).

NPCP is delivered in partnership with six federal universities under the World Bank-supported Sustainable Procurement, Environmental and Social Standards Enhancement (SPESSE) programme. Over 7,000 procurement officers have been trained, and mandatory continuous certification is in place.

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It is worth mentioning here that in Nigeria, a key innovation is the Procurement Officer Management System, which tracks performance and links officers to specific projects. Procurement is no longer a faceless function. Officers are held accountable.

In this regard, the BPP is also initiating collaboration with relevant institutions to regulate the practice of procurement training in the public sector. This is to ensure that only credible and certified providers offer training that aligns with the national procurement framework.

Furthermore, ethical standards are being reinforced. The BPP is issuing appropriate guidelines that all procurement professionals, whether individuals or corporate entities, must follow. These ethical codes are aimed at professionalising the space and closing the loopholes that previously enabled unethical behaviour.

This effort is complemented by the BPP’s ongoing partnership with relevant professional bodies to embed principles of good governance and integrity within the procurement profession.

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● Anti-corruption and accountability

In terms of accountability, while Kenya relies on audit trails, Nigeria combines real-time scrutiny with digital oversight.

The BPP works closely with the EFCC and ICPC, flagging contracts for investigation, recovery, and prosecution where necessary.

Contractors who have inflated costs have been made to make refunds. In Dr Adedokun’s words, “We found fully paid contracts that were inflated. Contractors refunded. It’s no joke.”

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Digital tools allow pre-bid reviews, unannounced audits, and strict monitoring. Non-performing contractors are placed on a debarment list. The recently updated Standard Bidding Documents guarantee transparency and ensure fairness in evaluations.

Meanwhile, the BPP now operates squarely as a regulator, not a participant in procurement. All stakeholders, ministries, departments, agencies, and suppliers are required to operate within the framework being established by the Bureau. This is a significant shift and underscores the Bureau’s mandate as both umpire and standard-setter.

As part of the ongoing reforms, the Bureau is also deepening engagement with Nigeria’s Parliament and Judiciary to ensure procurement delivers real value for money. Through procurement surveillance, ongoing audits, and evaluations, and in collaboration with statutory oversight bodies, the BPP is working to institutionalise transparency at all levels of government.

● Citizens as watchdogs

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Kenya promotes transparency by making procurement data accessible. Nigeria is doing the same. NOCOPO is public; whistleblower hotlines are active, and civil society is involved. Citizens are encouraged to monitor implementation. Indeed, NGOs have audited major projects such as the Lagos-Calabar Highway.

It needs to be said that procurement is no longer the business of government alone. It is now a shared civic duty.

● Sovereign control and African context

Unlike off-the-shelf systems, Nigeria’s reforms are sovereign and context-specific. The BPP’s collaboration with sub-national governments ensures alignment. Political interference, long a problem in procurement, is tackled not after the fact but at the point of implementation.

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The Bureau’s rebranding, which includes the motto “Driving National Development”, reflects a cultural shift. As Dr Adedokun says, “My dream is to make Nigeria the Dubai of Africa through our reformed procurement processes.”

At every step, the BPP is aligning Nigeria’s procurement regime with global best practices. From data standards and open contracting to ethical compliance and digital traceability, the goal is to bring Nigeria’s system in line with the world’s most effective and transparent frameworks.

The confidence in Nigeria’s reform process is also being validated externally. The recent additional funding support from the World Bank and other development partners is a testament to growing international trust in the direction of Nigeria’s procurement evolution.

As a follow-up to that, under the SPESSE programme, the Federal Government, through the BPP, is expected to share its experiences and success stories with other African countries. Nigeria’s reforms are not only for domestic benefit but could also help shape procurement best practices on the continent.

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● A shared path forward

Nigeria and Kenya have a lot to learn from each other. Nigeria could scale up digital infrastructure at the sub-national level, like Kenya has done with county governments. Kenya, in turn, could adopt Nigeria’s use of blockchain and AI for process control. Both countries are well positioned to co-lead procurement reforms under the African Continental Free Trade Area.

By 2027, Nigeria plans to deploy sector-specific procurement portals in oil and gas, healthcare, and infrastructure. The journey is far from over, but the signs are promising.

In rounding off, Nigeria, like Kenya, is embracing procurement reforms. The measures being implemented by the BPP are homegrown, ambitious, and anchored in the Renewed Hope Agenda of President Bola Tinubu. With savings of ₦173 billion in the first half of 2025 alone, the results are measurable, and the commitment is visible.

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Without equivocation, let it be clearly stated that this is not just about contracts in the abstract sense. It is about functional classrooms where students can actually learn; it is about roads that last beyond the next rainy season, and hospitals that heal those who go there when they are unwell.

As Dr. Adedokun reminds us, “For every inflated contract, a Nigerian suffers. That’s the pain we’re ending.”

It is important that Nigeria stays the course because reforms are never one-off events but continuous processes.

■ Sufuyan Ojeifo, MNGE, is a journalist, publisher, and media consultant based in Abuja.

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How I delivered ten pregnant women while in captivity, nurse reveals

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A nurse who recently regained her freedom after nearly six months in captivity has narratted the severe conditions endured by the abducted women and children, saying she helped 10 pregnant women give birth without gloves or proper medical equipment.

Amirah Salihu was among the victims abducted during the February 3 attack on Woro and Nuku communities in Kaiama Local Government Area of Kwara State.

Salihu, who is the daughter of the chief of Woro community, disclosed her experience during an interview on Channels Television’s Politics Today.

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She said the captives faced acute food shortages and were forced to sleep in exposed locations, including near a river, where they were frequently drenched by rainfall.

According to her, the abductors often gave them little food, with guinea corn, salt and seasoning sometimes serving as their only meal.

The nurse said her professional training became crucial when some of the women went into labour during their captivity.

She explained that she assisted about 10 pregnant women to deliver their babies despite the absence of gloves and other essential medical supplies.

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She said, “When the pregnant women started going into labour, I had to assist them. I helped about 10 women deliver their babies, even though I had no gloves or proper equipment.

“It was difficult, but I had to do what I could to help them survive and deliver safely.”

Salihu added that the abductors eventually discovered she was a nurse and attempted to persuade her to remain with them because of her medical knowledge.

She said she rejected the proposal because her priority was to regain her freedom and return to her family.

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The rescued victim also recalled the killing of two of her brothers during the attack, alleging that the assailants targeted her family because of her father’s opposition to their activities in the community.

She said her father had previously resisted attempts by the attackers to gain access to Woro and had sought military intervention to protect the residents.

According to her, the attackers struck when the soldiers were no longer present in the community.

She said her father had previously resisted attempts by the attackers to gain access to Woro and had sought military intervention to protect the residents.

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According to her, the attackers struck when the soldiers were no longer present in the community.

Salihu further said the abductors justified their actions by claiming they wanted residents to abandon Nigeria’s democratic system and follow their interpretation of religious laws.

However, when asked about sexual violence during the period, she said she was not aware of any rape or sexual assault among the captives.

The victims were part of the 176 women and children abducted during the February 3 attack on Woro and neighbouring Nuku.

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They were released on Wednesday after spending almost six months with their abductors. The Kwara State Government later disclosed that 13 children had died in captivity, while 12 others were yet to return.

Kwara State Governor, AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq, received the freed victims in Ilorin and commiserated with families who lost loved ones.

He subsequently visited a hospital where 14 rescued victims were undergoing treatment, including three women who delivered babies while in captivity.

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STRATEGIC AUTONOMY: NIGERIA’S DOCTRINE FOR SELF-DETERMINATION IN A MULTIPOLAR WORLD

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In an era defined by geopolitical competition, trade wars, sanctions regimes, and shifting alliances, one phrase has migrated from European policy papers to the heart of African diplomacy: “Strategic Autonomy”.

For Nigeria, this is not a new experiment in isolation, nor is it a nostalgic return to Cold War non-alignment. As I outlined in a recent address from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Abuja, it is something far more direct and more urgent.

Strategic autonomy is alignment to Nigerian national interest. Once you are clear in what constitutes your national interest, you align with those interests regardless of which party is at the receiving end. That is the foundation. I am aware of scholarly publications that was recently put together by the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs on the subject.

While the Ministry prepares the full concept note charting new fronts in a multi polar world, let me share the preliminary framework guiding Nigeria’s foreign policy under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

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Our goal is simple: to ensure that Nigeria, and by extension Africa, is not an object of geopolitics, but a subject that defines its own future.

What Strategic Autonomy means for Nigeria and Africa
Strategic autonomy is often misunderstood as withdrawal. It is the opposite. It is engagement on our terms. Today, Nigerian Foreign Policy has shifted. Gone is the era of reactive alignment. The Tinubu 4Ds agenda is anchored on strategies that are clearly designed to bring succor to Nigerians. The deliberate pursuit of Nigeria’s national interest across economic, security, technological, and diplomatic domains, without being locked into any single bloc. Nigeria’s strategic autonomy rests on 5 pillars in a world of continuous alignment. Together, they form the blueprint for how Nigeria engages a world that is no longer unipolar, but contested, transactional, and opportunity-rich.

NATIONAL INTEREST, NIGERIA FIRST 
Alignment to Nigerian national interest is the guiding rule. For Nigeria, Foreign Policy begins at home. Every treaty, partnership, and diplomatic gesture is measured against one question: does it deliver jobs, infrastructure, security, defence and dignity for Nigerians?

This principle was tested in the enforcement of the One China Policy. When diplomatic lines were blurred, the Ministry acted decisively: relocating trade missions from Abuja to Lagos, Nigeria’s commercial hub, and reaffirming that Nigeria speaks with one voice.  There is no room for diplomatic blunder in Nigeria. The message is clear: Nigeria will be a partner, not a pawn. Strategic autonomy means clarity of position first, and flexibility in tactics second.

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ECONOMIC DIVERSIFICATION 
AfCFTA + global partnerships like China’s zero-tariff access. Nigeria is done with aid-for-diplomacy. The new model is trade-for-growth. Under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, Nigeria is leveraging two levers simultaneously: 

1. Continental integration through the African Continental Free Trade Area, to build regional value chains. 

2. Global partnerships that open markets. China’s zero-tariff policy for eligible Nigerian exports is a case in point, creating new pathways for agriculture, manufacturing, and solid minerals to reach 1.4 billion consumers.

From the Lagos-Calabar coastal transport system to industrial parks in Ogun and Lekki, Chinese, European, and Gulf investments are being steered toward productive sectors. The goal is not dependency, but diversification: more partners, more markets, more Nigerian-made exports.

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SECURITY SOVEREIGNTY
African-led, but open to any partner that delivers results. Nigeria’s security doctrine is rooted in the principle that Africans must lead African solutions. ECOWAS, the AU, and regional counter-terrorism frameworks remain central.

But strategic autonomy also means pragmatism. On terrorism, maritime security in the Gulf of Guinea, and cyber threats, Nigeria is open to cooperation with any partner, East or West that brings intelligence, technology, and capacity without conditions that undermine sovereignty. The benchmark is simple: results for Nigerian communities. Partnerships are judged not by ideology, but by impact on the ground.

TECHNOLOGICAL AGENCY 
Build, don’t just buy. Lead in AI and digital infrastructure. The 21st century will be won on data, chips, and talent. Nigeria refuses to be only a consumer. This is the essence of Minister Bosun Tijjani’s reforms in our digital ecosystem.  Through partnerships in 5G, fiber optics, and smart cities, Nigeria is negotiating technology transfer, not just procurement. Engagement with the World Artificial Intelligence Organization and related partnerships signal intent: to move from adoption to authorship.

The aim is to build domestic capacity in AI, fintech, and digital governance, so that Nigerian developers, not just foreign vendors, shape the platforms used daily by 200 million Nigerians. Technological agency is sovereignty in the digital age.

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DIPLOMATIC FLEXIBILITY 
Engage all major powers without being locked into one camp. In a multipolar world, alignment is a choice made per issue, not per decade. Nigeria maintains a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership with China on infrastructure and more. It deepens trade and security ties with the US and EU. It expands South-South cooperation with India, Brazil, and the Gulf. It leads on the continent through AfCFTA and AU reform.

This is not non-alignment. It is multi-alignment: engaging all, belonging to none, and extracting maximum value for Nigeria from each relationship. Strategic autonomy is alignment to Nigerian national interests. Nigeria’s 5 Pillars offer more than a foreign policy. They offer a template for mid-sized and emerging powers navigating great power competition. It is a policy of conviction without rigidity. Of partnership without dependence. Of ambition without illusion.

Nigeria will continue to deepen partnerships that deliver infrastructure, jobs, and technology, but always on Nigerian terms. In 2026, the measure of sovereignty is not who you oppose. It is what you are able to build.

We can no longer afford an economy built only on exporting raw materials to one market and importing finished goods from another. The African Continental Free Trade Area gives us the platform to build regional value chains. At the same time, we must diversify globally. This is why we welcome China’s decision to grant zero-tariff treatment to 53 African countries, while we simultaneously deepen trade with the EU, the US, the Gulf, and our neighbors in ECOWAS. No single partner can meet all our development needs, and we will not be dependent on any one.

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The primary duty of any government is the protection of its citizens. That principle must guide our security partnerships. African-led solutions through the AU and ECOWAS remain our first choice. But we will not outsource our judgment. We greatly appreciate the US but if any country says he can help me to wipe out terrorism in Nigeria in the next two weeks, will I say because I’m friend to the US I will not agree? No,”. The safety of Nigerians comes first. Strategic autonomy means we evaluate every security offer by one metric: does it deliver peace, security and stability for our people?

In a multipolar world, we must talk to everyone and be forced to choose no one. This is not duplicity. It is maturity. We have demonstrated this in recent weeks. We condemned Afrophobic attacks in South Africa because the dignity of Nigerians abroad is non-negotiable. We pushed the agenda at the recent ECOWAS Summit in Freetown Sierra Leone where President Tinubu’s voice was clear and unambiguous. At the same time, we are preserving and strengthening the Nigeria-South Africa strategic partnership because both countries benefit from trade, investment, and regional leadership. That is strategic autonomy in practice.

The 4D Agenda meets a fragmenting World
The global shifts make this doctrine necessary today.  Today, we have multipolarity. The unipolar moment has passed. Power is diffused across Washington, Beijing, Brussels, New Delhi, Riyadh, and other capitals. Under President Tinubu’s 4D Foreign Policy Agenda: Demography, Development, Diaspora and Democracy — Nigeria’s diplomacy is calibrated to one question: what does this mean for Nigerian citizens? Ideological blocs are secondary to results.

Africa has 60% of the world’s youngest population. By 2050, one in four people on earth will be African.  Nigeria will be the third most populated country in the world by 2050. We cannot allow our future to be scripted by others. We must define our own development model, centered on jobs, skills, and innovation. In this context, some analysts have described our approach as “pragmatism devoid of doctrine.” I disagree.

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“I don’t agree with that kind of characterization. Everything foreign policy is about national interest,”.  What we are doing is giving that age-old principle a modern name and structure. We are drawing from our own history. As one of my lecturers at the University used to say, “ non-alignment is alignment to your national interest.” That remains true. Doctrine without delivery is rhetoric. For strategic autonomy to produce tangible benefits, Africa must take deliberate steps.

We must fully implement AfCFTA to unlock a $3.4 trillion single market. That means reducing tariffs, harmonizing standards, and building cross-border infrastructure. We must invest heavily in energy and infrastructure. No factory runs without power. No trade happens without roads, rail, and ports. Strategic autonomy requires industrial power.

Africa must speak with one voice in global forums — at the UN, G20, and WTO. Africa’s 54 countries carry more weight together than separately. It is time to protect and deepen democratic institutions. Autonomy should never be confused with authoritarianism. The legitimacy of our choices comes from the consent of our people.

Let me be clear. Strategic autonomy is not about turning our backs on partners. It is about choosing partners freely. It is the right to trade with anyone, learn from everyone, and be dominated by no one. The world is fragmenting into blocs. Africa’s best option is not to join a bloc, but to become a bloc ourselves — economically integrated, politically coherent, and diplomatically confident.

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Written by Ambassador Sola Enikanolaiye,
Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Federal Republic of Nigeria

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Bode George Still Angry Over His Failed PDP National Chairmanship Bid, No Regret Stopping Him – Wike

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The Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister, Nyesom Wike, has said that he had no regret Stopping Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) former Deputy National Chairman, Chief Bode George, from becoming the party National Chairman, saying; “his anger is because we didn’t allow him to be PDP National Chairman and no regret doing so.”

In a statement on Saturday, by his Senior Special Assistant on Public Communications and Social Media, Lere Olayinka, the FCT Minister said the political frustration of Bode George has further been compounded by the emergence of Deji Doherty, a personality he does not want to see as the one in charge of the party in Lagos State.

“He wanted to be PDP National Chairman, and was carrying on like the position was his birthright. We stopped him because it was the turn of the South-South. Since then, he has not stopped being angry.

“As a sitting governor, I visited his house in Maitama, Abuja, to appease him after the national convention, his wife attempted to walk me out, but for the intervention of former governor of Ondo state, Olusegun Mimiko,” the minister said.

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He described Bode George as a failed politician, who despite all the privileges and power has not won anything for the PDP in Lagos State since 1999, adding that “We have managed him even though we know that he has no value. But as it is, since he wants to keep dancing naked in the market place of politics, we can’t but allow him.”

The Minister reiterated that leadership of a political party is not by name, title or being a founding father. Rather, it is about what you are able to bring to the table in terms of winning elections, and in this regard, Bode George is a complete disaster.

“Even his Unit 001 in Ward E2, Evans Street, Lagos Island, he has never won for the PDP. In 2019 Presidential election, APC had 84 votes while PDP had 40. In the 2023 elections, he transferred his voter’s card to Eti Osa, PDP had four votes in his polling unit,” Wike said.

Wike said since it appeared that he (Bode George) is not busy, he will continue to make his likes busy by creating reason for them to jump from one television station to the other.

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