Opinion
NEED FOR “HOUSEKEEPING” IN YAGBA AHEAD 2027 SENATORIAL POLL
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*By Sola Bamidele*
It is no longer news that since return to democracy in 1999, Yagba Federal Constituency, one of the three federal constituencies in Kogi West Senatorial District had been excluded from the rotation of the Senate seat of the zone until 2023, when miraculously Senator Karimi Sunday Steve from Yagba West Council, Yagba Federal Constituency was elected on the platform of the All Progressive Congress (APC)
*Dynamics of Rotation within Kogi West Senatorial District*
Between 1999 and 2007, ex-Military Administrator of Edo and Akwa Ibom States, Senator Tunde Ogbeha from Kogi Lokoja/Kotonkarfe Federal Constituency represented Kogi West serving two terms of eight years between 1999 and 2007. He honourably bowed out to allow Kabba/Bunnu/Ijumu Federal Constituency have their turn in the Senate. This led to Senator Smart Adeyemi’s emergence in 2007, as Yagba elites agreed that it was Kabba/Bunu Ijumu’s turn to produce the Senate even to the detriment of an illustrous Yagba son, Hon. T. J Faniyi who was then in the race.
Unfortunately, rather than honouring the convention laid down by his predecessor, Smart Adeyemi unsuccessfully attempted re-election for a third term. This led to the victory of Senator Dino Melaye, a felow Ijumu man in 2015, and the subsequent interchange of the occupation of the seat between Melaye and Adeyemi, four years after.
To cut the long story short, Kabba/Bunu/ Ijumu held the Kogi West Senate seat for 16 years to the exclusion of Yagba and in disregard for time tested convention of rotation.
By 2023, the agitation for Yagba producing the Senate hit the high heavens, but in defiance to the yearnings of the majority, the People’s Democratic Party fielded T.J Yusuf from Kabba as Senatorial Flagbearer, causing PDP a collasal loss at the 2023 National Assembly and Presidential Election, especially that a strong personality and time tested legislator like Hon. Sunday Steve Karimi was the flagbearer of the APC.
*Summary of incumbent’s tenure*
Since the assumption of Office, Karimi has endeared himself to the heart of the ruling elites in the Senate and has often spoken the minds of his constituents.
He envisioned that the insecurity in the Northern part of the country was creeping into Kogi West Senatorial District and immediately committed his personal resources worth hundreds of millions to construct, equip, furnish and provide two brand new operational vehicles for the Nigerian Army when he established the Nigerian Army Forward Operation Base in Egbe.
In addition, Karimi prioritised education by launching an annual bursary for constituents. In 2023, he dolled out N100m to 1000 indigenes of Kogi West who benefited N 100,000.00 each. As a strong aposltle of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, in 2025 he extended the Bursary programme to Kogi East and Kogi Central Senatorial Districts in order to help propagate the Renewed Hope message of Mr President across Kogi State. According to the senator’s media team, the final list of beneficiaries for the programme will soon be out for immediate disbursement. His commitment to education also includes th construction of classroom blocks in several communities in Kogi West Senatorial District such as in Odo Ape, Igbaruku, Ike Bunnu, Kabba, etcetera. In Kotonkarfe, Senator Karimi transformed a Secondary School to international standard by attracting Federal Government investment worth over a billion Naira.
Karimi has donated several Tranformers to Rural Communities, he has installed Solar Street lights in many rural areas and has his footprint in the 85 electoral wards in Kogi West, having installed and refurbished at least one solar motorised borehole in each of the wards in the seven local government areas within his first two years in office.
No festive period passed without seven trailer loads of rice, hitting the grassroots courtesy of the Senator, and he regularly intervenes in community development efforts by donating handsomely as the occasion demands.
In a rare sacrifice for the abandoned Kabba-Mopa-Isanlu-Egbe-Ilorin Road, in 2025, President Tinubu permitted each Senator to a Capital Project of N2bn in the nation’s Appropriation Act and instead of Senator Karimi to channel the N2bn into small projects, with prospects of pecuniary advantage, he not only ensured his statutory N2bn was appropriated to augment the funding of Kabba-Ilorin Federal Road, he added additional N1bn as his special intervention for the road. An act that moved the Minister of Works to appropriate additional N6Bbn for the road in 2025 Approproation Act. As soon as the Federal Ministry of Works releases funds for 2025 Appropropriation, it is certain that the once abandoned highway will be repaired for the benefit of Kogites and other road users. In addition, Mr President has also approved alternative funding for the road, all due to the determimination of Senator Karimi.
*Oversight Functions*
The most important and crucial part of Senator Karimi’s oversight functions are his legislative instruments on the floor of the Senate, which are in excess of 12 Bills and 15 Motions.
Karimi commenced
representation in the Upper Chamber with a motion to investigate the various turnaround maintenance contracts of Nigerian Refineries since 1999. He sponsored a Bill to amend the CBN Act to prohibit use of foreign currency in domestic transactions in a bid to restore the value of the naira and made significant contributions to Electoral Act.
Frustrated about the incessant insecurity, he sponsored a Bill to allow States that are willing and financially stable to operate a sub national police to establish State Police. He also sponsored amendments to the Constitution to ensure Local Government autonomy in tandem with the recent Supreme Court judgment.
*The Voice of the Voiceless*
Karimi is an unrepentant advocate of good governance and devolution of power and resources to the grassroots. He has criticised State Government dominance over Local Government Funds as it is a tool of impoverishing the people at the grassroots. This has pitched him against the political elites in Lugard House.
Senator Karimi’s sins attained a crescendo when he openly declared that it was the turn of Kogi West to produce Governor in 2027 since the Senatorial District has not been opportune to produce a Governor in Kogi State since its creation over 34 years ago.
The truth is, whether in the old Kwara or Kogi State, no native of Kogi West has ever been elected Governor. In old Kwara, Alhaji Adamu Attah, an Ebira, served as a Governor of Kwara State between 1979 and 1983.
Since 1999, when Kogi State was created, Kogi East has produced three elected Governors- Late Alhaji Abubakar Audu, Alhaji Ibrahim Idris and Captain Idirs Wada monopolising power for 16 unbroken years to the exclusion of other Districts.
In unusual circumstances, in 2015, Alhaji Yahya Adoza Bello from Agaza/ Ahachi ward 7 Okene became the Governor of Kogi State and ruled for eight years. In 2023 he appointed his brother from Upogoro Ward in the same Okene Local Government as his successor and is determined to ensure he rules Kogi State for another eight years, estimated to end in 2031, with concrete plans to retain power in Kogi Central or clandestinely handover to Ebiras who are domiciled in another Senatorial District.
Karimi’s major offence is voicing the aspirations of his people as follows:
(a) That Kogi West should be considered in the Gubernatorial seat of Kogi State;
(b) That local governments should be given full financial autonomy so that poverty and insecurity at the grassroots can be wiped out.
The political elites at Lugard House are angerred at the effornty and boldness of Karimi to speak the mind of his constituents and he has abelled him a “betrayer” and “arrogant ” and that he would be thought a lesson in the forthcoming National Assembly Election. And, for two years, the powers that be at Lugard House have desperately and openly shopped for a replacement for him, narrowing down to old political foes as instruments to bring down the people’s Karimi.
It is the calculation of Lugard House and its Emperor that any other person other than Sunday Karimi is best to represent the Senatorial District. Because, according to them, Kogi West does not need a “voice” at the State or national level.
They prefer a former one term Reps member Hon. Sam Aro or an over circulated Senator Smart Adeyemi to challenge him. There are also indication that the rulers at Lugard House have vowed to raise as many sons of Yagba and Okun as possible to join the ring for the Senate in 2027, to pave the way for an opportunist from Lokoja/Kogi Federal Constituency to emerge as the APC Flagbearer or winner of the 2027 Senate Election in Kogi West Senatorial District, thereby cutting short the eight-year/ two-term of Yagba at the Senate.
*Caution*
It will be unwise for Yagba to allow outsiders who have failed in their own senatorial elections or who are unable to elect a Senator for themselves to choose a Senator for Kogi West. Yagba should not allow outsiders to use divide and rule to perpetuate themselves in power simply to subdue Yagba. In the words of Hubert Ogunde, ‘Yoruba ronu’. My advice, Yagba ronu ooo!
*Sola Bamidele writes from Abuja.*
News
The Sundiata Post Model (6): Institutional Success and Its Four Levels
By Max Amuchie | The Sunday Stew
In the preceding articles, I have argued that the twenty-first-century newsroom must evolve into a knowledge-producing institution; situated that proposition within a broader intellectual tradition; introduced the Dual Engine Architecture through which journalism and knowledge production become mutually reinforcing; and proposed the Realm of the Long Term together with its Seven Pillars as the institutional foundations of enduring organisations.
A natural question now arises.
How should the success of such an institution be measured?
For decades, the commercial media industry understandably prioritised audience size and print circulation. With the rise of digital journalism, these traditional measures were increasingly supplemented—and in many cases displaced—by page views, unique visitors, click-through rates, impressions, engagement metrics and social media reach. These indicators remain valuable because they reveal important aspects of audience behaviour and commercial performance.
Yet they do not tell the whole story.
A media organisation may attract millions of readers while producing little original knowledge. It may dominate online conversations today yet leave no enduring intellectual contribution tomorrow. It may generate impressive revenue while gradually losing public trust. Conversely, an institution may produce ideas that influence scholarship, public policy and professional practice for decades without ever becoming the largest media organisation in its market.
The central proposition of the Sundiata Post Model (SPM) is therefore straightforward: institutions should ultimately be measured not merely by what they produce, but by what they leave behind.
This requires us to rethink what institutional success actually means.
Four Levels of Institutional Success
The SPM proposes that institutional success exists at four progressively deeper levels: Operational Success, Institutional Success, Civilisational Success and Legacy.
These are not competing categories. They are successive stages in the evolution of an enduring institution.
Operational Success
Operational Success concerns an institution’s ability to perform its immediate responsibilities effectively.
For a newsroom, this includes producing accurate journalism, meeting publication deadlines, maintaining editorial standards, growing audiences, generating sustainable revenue and responding effectively to the daily demands of public communication.
These are indispensable functions. Without operational competence, institutions cannot survive.
Yet Operational Success is also the most immediate form of success. It is measured in days, weeks, months and annual performance reports.
It answers a relatively simple question:
Is the institution performing well today?
Many organisations achieve Operational Success.
Far fewer move beyond it.
Institutional Success
Institutional Success represents a deeper level of achievement.
Here, attention shifts from performance to permanence.
The institution is no longer evaluated solely by today’s output but by its ability to preserve its mission while continuously renewing itself. Leadership succession becomes important. Governance becomes important. Institutional memory becomes important. Financial resilience, knowledge stewardship, innovation, public trust and organisational culture become defining concerns.
This is the Realm of the Long Term introduced in the previous article.
The central question is no longer:
How well are we performing?
Instead, it becomes:
Will this institution remain valuable twenty, fifty or one hundred years from now?
Institutions that reach this level become larger than any individual leader.
Their systems become more important than personalities.
Their mission becomes more enduring than their founders.
This transition requires institutionalisation: the process through which an institution converts individual vision, knowledge and leadership into durable systems, structures, practices and values that can survive changes in personnel and leadership.
An institution is not truly enduring if its most important knowledge exists only in the mind of one person, if its critical relationships depend entirely upon one individual, or if its strategic direction disappears when its founder departs.
Institutionalisation is therefore one of the mechanisms through which Institutional Success becomes possible. It transforms personal capacity into institutional capacity and individual achievement into organisational inheritance.
Civilisational Success
The third level extends beyond the institution itself.
Civilisational Success concerns the institution’s contribution to society’s accumulated stock of knowledge.
It occurs when an institution produces ideas, methods, frameworks, archives, research, public debates and intellectual traditions that continue shaping society long after their immediate circumstances have passed.
At this level, the institution no longer influences only its industry.
It contributes to civilisation itself.
Its ideas become reference points.
Its publications become historical records.
Its methodologies become professional standards.
Its research becomes part of society’s collective memory.
The institution’s greatest contribution is therefore not simply the news it reported, but the knowledge it helped humanity preserve.
The SPM is itself grounded in this proposition. As a model for twenty-first-century journalism, it argues that a newsroom organised as a knowledge-producing institution should be capable of generating original intellectual contributions alongside its daily journalism. The development of The Insecurity Triad, the Trinity of Sovereignty Decay (TSD), and the Decoupling Sovereignty Index (DSI) illustrates this possibility. These frameworks did not emerge from a conventional research institute or university department, but from a newsroom deliberately organised to produce knowledge as well as news. They therefore serve as a proof of concept for one of the Model’s central propositions: journalism, when institutionally designed for long-term knowledge creation, can produce intellectual assets whose influence extends beyond the news cycle.
Yet even Civilisational Success leaves one final question unanswered.
What is the highest measure of institutional success?
The SPM proposes a simple answer:
Legacy
Legacy is often misunderstood. It is commonly associated with longevity, reputation or the accomplishments of exceptional individuals. While these may contribute to legacy, they do not define it.
Institutions can exist for centuries without leaving a meaningful imprint on society. Others achieve widespread recognition during their lifetime yet fade quickly from public memory once circumstances change.
Legacy is something deeper.
It measures Generational Influence—the extent to which an institution’s ideas, values, methods and contributions continue shaping future generations.
Time alone does not create legacy.
Survival should not be mistaken for significance.
The true test of an institution is not simply whether it continues to exist, but whether its existence continues to matter.
Institutions achieve legacy when successive generations continue drawing value from what they have created. Their archives remain useful. Their research continues to be consulted. Their journalism retains historical relevance. Their ideas continue shaping public debate. Their methods become part of professional practice.
Legacy therefore transforms institutional success from a temporary achievement into a continuing public resource.
Every enduring institution eventually confronts the same reality.
Its founders leave. Leadership changes.
Generations pass.
If an institution depends entirely upon the vision or personality of a single individual, succession becomes a moment of vulnerability rather than renewal.
The question, therefore, is not simply whether an institution has a great founder or an exceptional leader. It is whether the institution can transform that individual’s vision into a capacity that belongs to the institution itself.
This is the deeper meaning of institutionalisation.
From Personality to Institution
Institutionalisation requires an organisation to deliberately convert individual capacity into institutional capacity.
It begins with the institutionalisation of mission. The institution’s purpose must be sufficiently clear and durable that it belongs to the organisation rather than to the personality of its founder.
It requires systems and processes that allow critical functions to continue regardless of who occupies a particular position. An institution becomes resilient when essential work can be reproduced through established procedures rather than dependent upon individual memory or improvisation.
It requires institutional memory. Decisions, research, methodologies, archives, lessons, relationships and intellectual work must be captured and preserved. What exists only in the mind of one person is not yet fully institutional knowledge.
It requires deliberate leadership succession. The next generation of leaders cannot be an afterthought. Institutions that intend to endure must cultivate successors before succession becomes necessary.
It requires distributed knowledge and authority. Critical knowledge, relationships and decision-making capacity should not become concentrated in a single individual. The institution must develop multiple centres of competence capable of sustaining its mission.
It requires durable governance. Governing structures, accountability mechanisms and institutional principles must be strong enough to protect the mission through changes in leadership and circumstance.
And it requires an institutional culture that reproduces the values of the organisation. The deepest form of institutionalisation occurs when the institution’s values become embedded in the behaviour of successive generations rather than remaining attached to the personality of its founder.
These seven mechanisms—mission, systems, institutional memory, succession, distributed knowledge and authority, governance, and culture—help transform an institution from a personality-driven organisation into a self-renewing institution.
The test of institutionalisation is therefore straightforward:
Can the institution continue to perform, learn, adapt and create value when the person who built it is no longer there?
If the answer is yes, the institution has begun to transcend personality.
The founder’s greatest achievement, therefore, may not be what he or she accomplishes personally, but what the institution becomes capable of accomplishing without them.
The SPM therefore treats stewardship as one of the defining responsibilities of institutional leadership. Leaders are custodians rather than owners. Their responsibility is not merely to achieve success during their own tenure but to strengthen the institution so that it serves generations they will never meet.
This is also where the distinction between journalism and knowledge production becomes most visible.
Daily reporting serves the immediate needs of society.
Knowledge serves both the present and the future.
Investigations become archives.
Research becomes scholarship.
Editorial judgement becomes institutional memory.
Original frameworks become intellectual assets.
Public records become part of society’s historical inheritance.
Every institution should therefore ask itself one final question:
If this institution ceased to exist tomorrow, what knowledge would disappear with it?
The answer reveals the depth of its institutional contribution.
An institution that merely reports events leaves little behind.
An institution that produces enduring knowledge leaves future generations with resources they would otherwise never have possessed.
That is the difference between activity and inheritance.
Between success and significance.
Between performance and legacy.
Beyond Performance
This distinction matters because institutions frequently confuse activity with achievement.
Publishing thousands of stories is activity.
Building a permanent archive of public knowledge is an achievement.
Generating revenue is an activity.
Creating financial systems that preserve editorial independence across generations is an achievement.
Winning today’s audience is an activity.
Earning public trust that survives decades is an achievement.
The SPM therefore argues that enduring institutions should evaluate themselves not merely by annual outputs but by their cumulative contribution to society.
This shifts institutional thinking from production to legacy.
The Highest Measure of Success
The SPM understands institutional success as a continuum rather than a destination.
Operational Success enables performance.
Institutional Success enables endurance.
Civilisational Success enables enduring contributions to society’s accumulated knowledge.
Legacy enables an institution’s ideas, values and contributions to continue shaping future generations.
Every institution must first learn to perform.
Some will also learn to endure.
Fewer will contribute enduring value to civilisation.
Only the rarest institutions ultimately leave a legacy that continues to enrich society long after those who built them have passed.
Institutions are ultimately remembered not for how much they produced, but for what they enabled humanity to remember, understand and build upon. That is why the highest measure of institutional success is Legacy.
Trust is sacred. Stay seasoned.
•Dr Max Nwabueze Amuchie is an African scholar-practitioner and framework builder whose original intellectual work spans insecurity, sovereignty, institutional development, and journalism as knowledge production. His frameworks include The Insecurity Triad, the Trinity of Sovereignty Decay, the Decoupling Sovereignty Index, and the Sundiata Post Model. A member of the League of Nigerian Columnists (LNC), he is the CEO & Theorist-In-Chief of Sundiata Post, Lead Researcher at the Sundiata Post Intelligence Unit (SPIU), and an Expert Member and Peer Reviewer in Behavioural and Social Sciences at ScienceOpen.
Opinion
HOW RELEVANT IS B.P.P TO TINUBU’S “RENEWED HOPE AGENDA”?
BY BOLAJI AFOLABI
Yearly, the months of July and August are special in the calendar of educational institutions, particularly primary and secondary schools. All the days, excluding Sundays it is common to see parents, patrons, guardians, and friends coalesce at different schools celebrating the academic transitions of their children, wards, and loved ones. A few weeks back, the writer, was in a similar situation – attended the graduation ceremony of the son of a family friend. The event was colourful and classy, as the school and students showcased high-quality performances; from musical rendition to drama presentations, spoken words, and more. Trust Nigerians, as the main event ended, the celebrations moved to the field and other available spaces within the environment, as people settled under carefully arranged canopies. Guests, family members, and many others savoured different eye-popping, and nose-enticing meals; iced-cold beverages and table water; not forgetting give-aways.
Typical of such gatherings, amid the feasting there were handshakes, back-slaps, and chit-chats across every canopy. Discussions, at the initial stage were oscillated from sports to politics and governance. Later, “participants” pumped up the value and volume by shifting the topic to Tinubu’s administration – emphasis on the performances of his appointees. The “jury” unanimously agreed that Nyesom Wike, Dave Umahi, Festus Keyamo, Jumoke Oduwole and a few others were the star-performers among the Ministers – with the FCT boss notches ahead. The rankings of Heads of Agencies were interesting and revealing, with the National Pension Commission, (PENCOM), and Rural Electrification Agency, (REA) getting thumbs-up. Surprisingly, an elderly man disagreed, insisting that the list will not be correct and complete without the Bureau of Public Procurement, (BPP).
While a few people were taken aback by his insistence, some others restrained from openly questioning his judgement – out of respect. Suddenly, three men, took turns corroborating the position of the senior citizen. For almost an hour, they successfully convinced many people about the achievements of the nation’s procurement regulatory agency. One of “our lecturers” declared, “unknown to people, the BPP is doing so much, and positively impacting government expenditure on public procurement by ensuring that the country gets the right value for money spent on every project.” A retired federal bureaucrat confessed that, “though I don’t agree with some policies of the Tinubu administration, but it is doing much more in terms of public expenditure through the BPP, which in the past two years has recorded tremendous achievements in diverse ways.” A middle-aged woman, working in a federal agency but preferred anonymity was emphatic, “the Bureau, through innovative and ingenious approaches has contributed hugely to President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda.”
With special interests in public policy, corporate governance, and leadership, the writer, enamoured by the persuasive and matter-of-fact deliveries of the previous speakers was somewhat shocked by the concluding parts of the female “lecturer.” Somehow, one concluded that, though many people were convinced about the laudable contributions of the BPP to public procurement and government expenditure, its impact on the present administration’s agenda demands further scrutiny. For weeks, the writer embarked on discreet inquisition of the Bureau’s input to government reforms as it relates to public procurement and expenditure on critical sectors. The robust exercise included the verification of the Bureau’s relevance to the “Renewed Hope Agenda” of President Bola Tinubu.
From available records, the “Renewed Hope Agenda” ((RHA) can be categorized into eight (8) areas – Economic Growth; Infrastructure; Security; Rule of Law/Anti-Corruption; Education; Healthcare; Food Security; and Poverty Eradication. No doubt, these are tangent to the well-being of the people by providing the pathway for national development, and ensuring meaningful transformation. Further analysis reveals that the RHA encompasses critical sectors such as roads and other infrastructures; education; healthcare; water; power; environment; and economy. These are domiciled in some MDAs including Works & Housing; Power; Health & Humanitarian Services; Education; FCTA; Aviation & Aerospace Development.
Findings and reports reveal that the BPP has been contributing largely to purpose-driven and results-yielding public expenditure. More importantly, it has, through inclusive procurement processes directly supported the RHA in key areas. The Bureau, under the leadership of Dr. Adebowale Adedokun has aligned and delivered through Institutional Strengthening and Anti-Corruption – which is core to Renewed Hope, “RH” governance reforms. With the re-branding of its price intelligence and due process unit, over-invoicing is not only being eliminated but MDAs get value for monies expended on public procurements – saving public funds for other RH projects. Also, the External Cooperation Unit, (ECU) which was created to tap global best practices and resources has impacted positively in reducing cases of price variations – hitherto avenue for financial leakages. Similarly, the BPP is deepening regulatory enforcement as MDAs are aligning with procurement standards and ethics which, in the long run will drive performances, service delivery, and good governance.
Deploying effective and efficient mechanisms on project delivery oversight, the BPP ensures that infrastructural projects under the RHA are not inflated, but also meet quality specifications. These are evidenced in critical projects; completed or on-going in Ministries of Works, FCT, Aviation & Aerospace Development, Health, Water Resources, and a few others. Similarly, the Bureau’s monitoring and evaluation framework tracks procurement processes and outcomes, and ensures that public projects under the RHA are delivered on time and complies with budgetary directives. As a major stakeholder in the actualization of the RHA, the Bureau has emplaced procurement processes for supporting MSMEs. Through this initiative – which aligns with the RHAs private sector led approach to economic growth – equitable opportunities are given to women, youths, and people living with disabilities to access and benefit from public procurement expenditures.
The Bureau’s commitment to human capital development as a cornerstone for sustainable national growth and development; which aligns with the RHA has contributed to capacity building and job creation. Through its partnership with the Chartered Institute of Purchasing and Supply (United Kingdom), over 8,000 procurement officers are being trained locally; professionalizing the profession, and creating a globally competitive workforce. Instructively, there are reports that some Nigerians, who benefitted from the BPP/CIPS (UK) training and certification are now employed by reputable global organizations and multinational bodies. Further to Adedokun’s belief that “collaboration in capacity building can be deployed towards ensuring that different strata of the society are prepared for economic growth,” the BPP in partnership with local and foreign organizations have been conducting procurement-linked empowerment programmes for women; impact on the informal sector has been encouraging.
True, the contributions of the BPP to the RHA, and more importantly, economic growth and development cannot be painstakingly discussed in one article. The audacious statement of the middle-aged woman about the BPP needs no disapproval – they are right, true, and spot-on. The Bureau’s laudable contributions in ensuring that public spending on projects are cleaner, cheaper, more inclusive, more professional, and more valuable deserves commendations. That the landmarks were achieved by the Bureau’s present leadership, in about three years is a glowing testament to the capacity, vision, focus, resilience, and unity of purpose of the Director-General, the management staff, and other staff members. Interestingly, Adedokun, at every occasion always confess that, “the fatherly support, belief, and wonderful political will from President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has made it possible for us (BPP) to discharge our (BPP) responsibilities. He deserves all the credit and honour for whatever we (BPP) are doing.”
* BOLAJI AFOLABI, a Development Communications specialist was with the Office of Public Affairs, The Presidency, Abuja.
Foreign
STRATEGIC AUTONOMY: NIGERIA’S DOCTRINE FOR SELF-DETERMINATION IN A MULTIPOLAR WORLD
In an era defined by geopolitical competition, trade wars, sanctions regimes, and shifting alliances, one phrase has migrated from European policy papers to the heart of African diplomacy: “Strategic Autonomy”.
For Nigeria, this is not a new experiment in isolation, nor is it a nostalgic return to Cold War non-alignment. As I outlined in a recent address from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Abuja, it is something far more direct and more urgent.
Strategic autonomy is alignment to Nigerian national interest. Once you are clear in what constitutes your national interest, you align with those interests regardless of which party is at the receiving end. That is the foundation. I am aware of scholarly publications that was recently put together by the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs on the subject.
While the Ministry prepares the full concept note charting new fronts in a multi polar world, let me share the preliminary framework guiding Nigeria’s foreign policy under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
Our goal is simple: to ensure that Nigeria, and by extension Africa, is not an object of geopolitics, but a subject that defines its own future.
What Strategic Autonomy means for Nigeria and Africa
Strategic autonomy is often misunderstood as withdrawal. It is the opposite. It is engagement on our terms. Today, Nigerian Foreign Policy has shifted. Gone is the era of reactive alignment. The Tinubu 4Ds agenda is anchored on strategies that are clearly designed to bring succor to Nigerians. The deliberate pursuit of Nigeria’s national interest across economic, security, technological, and diplomatic domains, without being locked into any single bloc. Nigeria’s strategic autonomy rests on 5 pillars in a world of continuous alignment. Together, they form the blueprint for how Nigeria engages a world that is no longer unipolar, but contested, transactional, and opportunity-rich.
NATIONAL INTEREST, NIGERIA FIRST
Alignment to Nigerian national interest is the guiding rule. For Nigeria, Foreign Policy begins at home. Every treaty, partnership, and diplomatic gesture is measured against one question: does it deliver jobs, infrastructure, security, defence and dignity for Nigerians?
This principle was tested in the enforcement of the One China Policy. When diplomatic lines were blurred, the Ministry acted decisively: relocating trade missions from Abuja to Lagos, Nigeria’s commercial hub, and reaffirming that Nigeria speaks with one voice. There is no room for diplomatic blunder in Nigeria. The message is clear: Nigeria will be a partner, not a pawn. Strategic autonomy means clarity of position first, and flexibility in tactics second.
ECONOMIC DIVERSIFICATION
AfCFTA + global partnerships like China’s zero-tariff access. Nigeria is done with aid-for-diplomacy. The new model is trade-for-growth. Under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, Nigeria is leveraging two levers simultaneously:
1. Continental integration through the African Continental Free Trade Area, to build regional value chains.
2. Global partnerships that open markets. China’s zero-tariff policy for eligible Nigerian exports is a case in point, creating new pathways for agriculture, manufacturing, and solid minerals to reach 1.4 billion consumers.
From the Lagos-Calabar coastal transport system to industrial parks in Ogun and Lekki, Chinese, European, and Gulf investments are being steered toward productive sectors. The goal is not dependency, but diversification: more partners, more markets, more Nigerian-made exports.
SECURITY SOVEREIGNTY
African-led, but open to any partner that delivers results. Nigeria’s security doctrine is rooted in the principle that Africans must lead African solutions. ECOWAS, the AU, and regional counter-terrorism frameworks remain central.
But strategic autonomy also means pragmatism. On terrorism, maritime security in the Gulf of Guinea, and cyber threats, Nigeria is open to cooperation with any partner, East or West that brings intelligence, technology, and capacity without conditions that undermine sovereignty. The benchmark is simple: results for Nigerian communities. Partnerships are judged not by ideology, but by impact on the ground.
TECHNOLOGICAL AGENCY
Build, don’t just buy. Lead in AI and digital infrastructure. The 21st century will be won on data, chips, and talent. Nigeria refuses to be only a consumer. This is the essence of Minister Bosun Tijjani’s reforms in our digital ecosystem. Through partnerships in 5G, fiber optics, and smart cities, Nigeria is negotiating technology transfer, not just procurement. Engagement with the World Artificial Intelligence Organization and related partnerships signal intent: to move from adoption to authorship.
The aim is to build domestic capacity in AI, fintech, and digital governance, so that Nigerian developers, not just foreign vendors, shape the platforms used daily by 200 million Nigerians. Technological agency is sovereignty in the digital age.
DIPLOMATIC FLEXIBILITY
Engage all major powers without being locked into one camp. In a multipolar world, alignment is a choice made per issue, not per decade. Nigeria maintains a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership with China on infrastructure and more. It deepens trade and security ties with the US and EU. It expands South-South cooperation with India, Brazil, and the Gulf. It leads on the continent through AfCFTA and AU reform.
This is not non-alignment. It is multi-alignment: engaging all, belonging to none, and extracting maximum value for Nigeria from each relationship. Strategic autonomy is alignment to Nigerian national interests. Nigeria’s 5 Pillars offer more than a foreign policy. They offer a template for mid-sized and emerging powers navigating great power competition. It is a policy of conviction without rigidity. Of partnership without dependence. Of ambition without illusion.
Nigeria will continue to deepen partnerships that deliver infrastructure, jobs, and technology, but always on Nigerian terms. In 2026, the measure of sovereignty is not who you oppose. It is what you are able to build.
We can no longer afford an economy built only on exporting raw materials to one market and importing finished goods from another. The African Continental Free Trade Area gives us the platform to build regional value chains. At the same time, we must diversify globally. This is why we welcome China’s decision to grant zero-tariff treatment to 53 African countries, while we simultaneously deepen trade with the EU, the US, the Gulf, and our neighbors in ECOWAS. No single partner can meet all our development needs, and we will not be dependent on any one.
The primary duty of any government is the protection of its citizens. That principle must guide our security partnerships. African-led solutions through the AU and ECOWAS remain our first choice. But we will not outsource our judgment. We greatly appreciate the US but if any country says he can help me to wipe out terrorism in Nigeria in the next two weeks, will I say because I’m friend to the US I will not agree? No,”. The safety of Nigerians comes first. Strategic autonomy means we evaluate every security offer by one metric: does it deliver peace, security and stability for our people?
In a multipolar world, we must talk to everyone and be forced to choose no one. This is not duplicity. It is maturity. We have demonstrated this in recent weeks. We condemned Afrophobic attacks in South Africa because the dignity of Nigerians abroad is non-negotiable. We pushed the agenda at the recent ECOWAS Summit in Freetown Sierra Leone where President Tinubu’s voice was clear and unambiguous. At the same time, we are preserving and strengthening the Nigeria-South Africa strategic partnership because both countries benefit from trade, investment, and regional leadership. That is strategic autonomy in practice.
The 4D Agenda meets a fragmenting World
The global shifts make this doctrine necessary today. Today, we have multipolarity. The unipolar moment has passed. Power is diffused across Washington, Beijing, Brussels, New Delhi, Riyadh, and other capitals. Under President Tinubu’s 4D Foreign Policy Agenda: Demography, Development, Diaspora and Democracy — Nigeria’s diplomacy is calibrated to one question: what does this mean for Nigerian citizens? Ideological blocs are secondary to results.
Africa has 60% of the world’s youngest population. By 2050, one in four people on earth will be African. Nigeria will be the third most populated country in the world by 2050. We cannot allow our future to be scripted by others. We must define our own development model, centered on jobs, skills, and innovation. In this context, some analysts have described our approach as “pragmatism devoid of doctrine.” I disagree.
“I don’t agree with that kind of characterization. Everything foreign policy is about national interest,”. What we are doing is giving that age-old principle a modern name and structure. We are drawing from our own history. As one of my lecturers at the University used to say, “ non-alignment is alignment to your national interest.” That remains true. Doctrine without delivery is rhetoric. For strategic autonomy to produce tangible benefits, Africa must take deliberate steps.
We must fully implement AfCFTA to unlock a $3.4 trillion single market. That means reducing tariffs, harmonizing standards, and building cross-border infrastructure. We must invest heavily in energy and infrastructure. No factory runs without power. No trade happens without roads, rail, and ports. Strategic autonomy requires industrial power.
Africa must speak with one voice in global forums — at the UN, G20, and WTO. Africa’s 54 countries carry more weight together than separately. It is time to protect and deepen democratic institutions. Autonomy should never be confused with authoritarianism. The legitimacy of our choices comes from the consent of our people.
Let me be clear. Strategic autonomy is not about turning our backs on partners. It is about choosing partners freely. It is the right to trade with anyone, learn from everyone, and be dominated by no one. The world is fragmenting into blocs. Africa’s best option is not to join a bloc, but to become a bloc ourselves — economically integrated, politically coherent, and diplomatically confident.
Written by Ambassador Sola Enikanolaiye,
Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Federal Republic of Nigeria
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