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By Dr Austin Maho

A recent article published by Farooq A. Kperogi in his sydicated weekly column , titled : “How Chinese Miners Fuel Nigeria’s Terrorist Banditry”, raises an urgent question: What is the nexus between illegal mining and Nigeria’s security challenges?

It is a discussion Nigerians must have. However, going through the article, it quickly narrows into a familiar pattern: “Chinese miners fuel banditry”. The evidence cited does not support that causal leap. Worse, the framing obscures the real drivers of violence, ignores Chinese victims of the same crisis, and recycles a geopolitical cliche that paints Chinese investment as uniquely predatory. Nigerians deserve to know the truth, not creating a foreign bogeyman to wish away a national crisis.

Blaming “Chinese miners” oversimplifies a complex crisis and risks xenophobic scapegoating of innocent foreigners.

1. Illegal mining is a symptom, not the disease. Banditry predates Chinese presence. Kperogi himself concedes that “illegal mining is not the sole driver of Nigeria’s insecurity.” That caveat should be the headline, not a footnote. Banditry in Zamfara exploded between 2011-2014, long before Chinese-linked companies became visible in the area. The 2019 Zamfara mining ban was imposed because bandit attacks were already rampant, not the other way around.

The roots are well documented: decades of state neglect, collapsed agricultural livelihoods, farmer-herder clashes exacerbated by climate stress, proliferation of small arms after Libya’s collapse, and the hollowing out of traditional conflict-resolution systems. In Niger State’s Shiroro LGA, communities were displaced by terrorists like Dogo Gide and ISWAP before any foreign company showed up. Mining did not create the terror. Terror created ungoverned space, and all kinds of actors local, foreign, criminal rushed into the vacuum.

To say Chinese miners “fuel” banditry reverses cause and effect. As Engr. Adamu Garba Musa asked: “If bandits are disturbing people, how come the company is working successfully?” The answer is grim but obvious: companies survive by paying what villagers cannot – protection levies, extortion, coercion, shakedown or their investments goes up in flames. This is not sponsorship. Conflating the two criminalizes victims of coercion.

2. Chinese nationals are victims, not masterminds, of kidnapping and banditry.

If Chinese-linked firms were financing bandits, why are Chinese citizens routinely kidnapped by those same bandits? The record is public:

June 2022 : Four Chinese workers abducted for ransom at a mining site in Shiroro, Niger State.

January 2023: Two Chinese nationals kidnapped in Ogun State. One police officer killed during the attack.

October 2023: Three Chinese expatriates taken in Osun State; millions allegedly paid for release.

March 2024 : A Chinese engineer abducted in Zamfara. Local police confirmed bandits demanded N100m.

August 2025: 2. Two Chinese miners killed in Kaduna when bandits attacked their site.

These are not isolated. The Chinese Embassy in Abuja has repeatedly issued security alerts and, in February 2026, called allegations of terror financing “completely baseless” while reaffirming “zero tolerance” policy toward its companies or citizens engaging in illegal mining abroad. It urged Chinese firms operating in Nigeria to strictly comply with Nigerian laws and regulations, and said the Chinese government supports legal enforcement by the Nigerian government against any individual or entity found violating those laws.

The statement also pushed back on narratives linking Chinese miners to banditry, noting that Chinese citizens have themselves been frequent victims of kidnapping and violent attacks at mining sites across Nigeria. The embassy called for objective, fact-based reporting rather than generalizations that stigmatize foreign investors. It reaffirmed China’s commitment to working with Nigerian authorities to promote lawful, orderly mining cooperation and to jointly safeguard security, adding that Beijing is willing to cooperate with Nigerian investigations and take action against any Chinese nationals proven to be involved in illegal activities.

No businessman kidnaps his own assets. The pattern is clear: Chinese firms, like Nigerian ones, operate in high-risk zones because minerals are there. They hire security, pay levies under duress, and sometimes lose staff. That makes them victims of state failure, not authors of it.

3. Narrowing it down to the “Chinese” label hides a Nigerian problem: elite complicity and regulatory failure

Every credible report Kperogi cites names the same prime mover: “politically connected Nigerians.” Dr. Maurice Ogbonnaya’s ISS work indicts “politically connected Nigerians”. The ENACT brief blames “Nigerians in high positions of authority”. The WikkiTimes investigation references licenses held by Nigerian companies, Eso Terra Investment Limited and Majelo Global Resources Limited.

In Nigeria’s mining sector, foreigners cannot hold titles directly. They partner with Nigerian license holders, who handle community relations, security, and politics. When WikkiTimes reports that “bandits were paid N3 million every week”, the question is: who negotiated that? Who knew the Dogo Gide faction’s account number? The fixers, facilitators, and profit-sharers are Nigerian. Chinese are mainly hired hands in the mines to provide their technical expertise and financing. Yet the headline becomes “Chinese Miners.” This is how structural corruption is laundered into ethnic outsourcing. We fire the cook and keep the menu.

4. “80% illegal” does not equal “80% Chinese”. The NEITI/ANEEJ report cited by Reuters says 80% of mining in the Northwest is illegal. It does not say 80% is Chinese. Artisanal and small-scale mining in Nigeria employs 500,000+ Nigerians, per the Ministry of Solid Minerals. They dig without licenses, sell to middlemen, and pay local chiefs. Chinese buyers are part of a long chain that includes Lebanese, Indian, Nigerian, and Togolese traders. Singling out one nationality distorts the narrative, and leads to ethnic profiling.

Moreover, the same ministry Kperogi credits for reform has licensed Chinese firms that do operate legally. Examples abound: Segilola Gold in Osun, Ganfeng Lithium in Nasarawa, and others are publicly listed, pay taxes, royalties, and publish ESG reports. In February 2026, the ministry announced 388 new mineral buying centers to formalize trade. Many Chinese buyers have registered. The government’s own data shows a move toward compliance, not a conspiracy.

5. The geopolitical context: who benefits when “China” is the villain? Kperogi’s piece lands in a crowded media ecosystem where “China in Africa” is shorthand for exploitation. Western outlets have run dozens of stories on Chinese illegal mining in Ghana, Zimbabwe, and DRC. Some are factual; many are thinly sourced. The pattern is to frame China as a unitary actor – “China” mines, “China” bribes, “China” funds terror – while Western firms are “companies” and Nigerian elites are “collaborators.”

That framing has costs. In 2023, a viral rumor that “Chinese miners were arming bandits” triggered attacks on Chinese workers in Zamfara. In 2024, the House of Reps had to debunk claims that Chinese firms were importing weapons. Narrative has body counts. Nigeria should not be a proxy in great-power competition. Our security analysis must be evidence-led, not geopolitics led. If a Canadian or Australian firm paid bandits to access a site, we would call it what it is: corporate criminality under duress. We would not indict Canada.

6. What a serious policy response looks like – without xenophobia. Kperogi ends with six proposals. Most are sound. But they will fail if built on a faulty diagnosis. Here’s a refined version:

1. Map the entire value chain, not just the foreign face. Publish beneficial owners, yes including Nigerian PEPs. Name the local chiefs who collect surface rents, the DSS officers who escort minerals, the customs agents who clear containers.

2. Traceability must be nationality blind. Blockchain or paper, the standard should apply to every buyer: Chinese, Lebanese, Nigerian. The 388 buying centers are a start. Expand them.

3. Prosecute the extorted and the extorter differently. A company that reports bandit levies to NSA should be treated as a witness, not a sponsor. Create a safe harbor for firms that disclose payments under duress. That dries up terror financing faster than arrests.

4. Secure mines the way we secure oil facilities. The reason bandits don’t tax oil fields is the Joint Task Force. The Mining Marshals arresting 350+ people is progress. Scale it, and embed military cover for legal sites.

5. Diplomacy, not demagoguery. China has leverage over its nationals. In 2024, Beijing blacklisted 3 firms caught in Ghana’s galamsey. Nigeria should give the Chinese Embassy a docket of allegations and demand action. Public shaming without due process just drives illegality underground.

6. Fix the livelihood crisis. Banditry pays because farming doesn’t. No amount of mining reform will work if 70% of Zamfara youth are jobless. Formalize artisanal miners into cooperatives, as Alake suggests. Give them equipment, not just arrests.

Nigeria’s minerals should be a blessing. Today they are a curse. But the curse is not Mandarin. It is impunity. It is the governor who takes a cut, the general who sells a license, the chief who rents his forest, and the bandit who taxes everyone.

Chinese firms that break the law should face the law. So should Nigerian firms. So should the officials who enable them. But to suggest that “Chinese miners fuel banditry” is to substitute a slogan for a strategy. It tells villagers in Shiroro that their enemy is a foreigner, not the governance void that left them defenseless.

Many Chinese nationals have been kidnapped, killed, and extorted in this crisis. They want what Nigerians want: roads without ambushes, sites without levies, contracts without bribes. An enabling environment for legal business is not a Chinese demand. It is a Nigerian right.

We should listen to Prof. Tade Aina and dig deeper. But let’s dig for the truth, not for a scapegoat. Banditry will end when the Nigerian state returns, with laws, with force, and with legitimacy. No embassy, East or West, can do that for us.

Dr Austin Maho is a member of the Nigerian Guild of Editors (NGE) and publisher of Daybreak Nigeria

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By Ojomah Austin.

…promises fulfilled

Tireless efforts aptly captures His Excellency , Distinguished Senator Manu Haruna’s approach towards constituency development as within his three years at the apex legislative body, his outreach across all segments remained unequalled in Taraba Central.

In 2023 when asked what’s his mission to the National Assembly, he simply said: “Truly, if there’s something I am cringing to do if voted is to connect my constituency to national grid because we are the only constituency in the entire country that’s not probably connected to the grid.

Remarkably this has been half achieved despite low release of funds.

Today, it’s a dream fulfilled in some places as Gunduma in Taraba Central is connected to the National Grid.

Also, Mutum Biyu’s largest ward in Taraba Central Senatorial District got linked to the National Grid.

It was indeed one of his promises fulfilled.

Massive installation of solar powered energy in several communities and palaces across the district.

A PEEP INTO INFRASTRUCTURAL DEVELOPMENT ACROSS TARABA CENTRAL:

PHYSICAL INFRASTRUCTURES

1. Installation of solar Street lights in some selected
villages across Taraba central Zone.

2. Reconnecting of M/Biyu and Gunduma ward of
Gassol Local government back to National Grid

3. He donated 1 transformer to Gunduma and 2 new NOS Transformers and the repair of 4 NOS Transformers in Mutum-Biyu of Gassol Local Government.

4. Installation of Solar lights at PHCs in Kurmi, Garba Chede in Bali Local Government and Gunduma respectively.

5. He donated a brand new Hummer Bus to his media aides worth N25m, in order to show respect and to up hold the contemporary idea of digital governance.
Bought five state of the art operational vehicles for Taraba Central Peoples Democratic Party, PDP to ease

YOUTH/WOMEN EMPOWERMENT 

1. Placement of over 500 constituents on a monthly salary ranging from N 15,000 N 20,000 to #50,000 respectively.

2. He facilitated over 47 Youth into Nigerian Army and other paramilitary.

3. On 23 December, 2023 he sponsored free Transportation to over 600 constituents, from Jalingo to various Local governments across his Senatorial
district to Celebrates Christmas

4. Empowerment of over 300 women with 50 thousand naira each, after a training of skills acquisition program of soap making to serve as capital.

5. As a new year package for 2024 Sen Haruna Manu gave out cash sum of #50,000 naira each to about 1000 households and 10 million naira to Youth
groups across his Senatorial district, to curtail the hardship installed on them by the oil subsidy removal policy.

ONE ON ONE TOUCH:

1. Distribution of about Six trailers of Ramadan relief materials including Spaghetti, Indomie, Maggi, salt, Soap and about 18,000 bags of Rice, Maize and SUGAR respectively. Across Taraba Central Zone.

2. Gave out 10 thousand naira each to about 3000 youths, in his Senatorial district during the first week
of 2024 Ramadan month. PAGE 06

3. Sen Haruna Manu distributed about 18,000 bags of Rice and 10,000 Cartoons of Spaghetti, with over three thousand gellicans of Groundnut and Palm oil
to Christian faithful across his Senatorial District.

4. As a part of his birthday welfare package, Sen Haruna Manu celebrated his golden Jubilee by distributing thousands of food items such as rice,
spaghetti, Indomie, oil and many more to the less privileged in his Senatorial District.

MOTIONS/BILLS

Within this Period Senator Haruna Manu moved a motion of urgent public
importance over the vandalisation of the Transmission Company Of Nigeria (TCN) tower, which have retarded the economic activities of the states in
the Northeastern Subregion, and have incurred hardship on the people’s livelihood.

2. Motion on the $ 5.79 billion Mambilla Hydroelectric Power Project (MHEPP) located in Taraba State. The second motion has a direct impact on Tarabans because the Mambilla Plateau is directly in their domain.

HEALTH CARE
The wife of Senator Manu Haruna, Her
Excellency Hajiya Zainab Manu Haruna made an impromptu visit to the cottage Hospital and Referral Hospital in Mutum-Biyu to shows her support and
compassion for the those who are in need for medical care and She gave out of cash to over 300 patience with the sum of 20k each after she took the
responsibility of their medical care, on 10th March 2024.

Her Excellency Hajiya Zainab Manu Haruna took her time to visit the Nigerian Correctional Service in Mutum-Biyu and shared a greetings with
the prisoners as they preparation for Ramadan and Distributes to them a Bags of rice and Millet as their Ramadan packages during Ramadan period on 11th March 2024.

Also when there was cholera outbreak, Senator Manu Haruna quickly stepped in buying medical equipment to help checkmate the spread within his district.

Facilitated ongoing completion of Garba Chede, Bali Local Government Area of the state in 2026.

Other projects:
1. Installation of solar powered energy in Emir of Gembu’s Palace and environs

2. Installation of solar powered energy in Emir of Gashaka’s Palace and environs 3. Installation of solar powered energy in Emir of Mutum Biyu’s Palace and environs.

3. Digging of boreholes in various communities across Taraba Central.

ICT EMPOWERMENT:
1. More than 500 students trained on ICT across three LGAs in Taraba Central

2. 500 students given laptops and starter packs
across three LGAs in Taraba Central

EDUCATION:

A Scholarship program for both domestic and foreign for Taraba Central indigenes fully packaged

To this end, 31 students were given foreign scholarship for postgraduate studies in Health sciences, public health, engineering. They departed Nigeria last year December for India.

Provision of tables and chairs in primary schools and colleges across the district.

Construction of Town Halls across the five local government areas in Taraba Central.

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By Hon Eseme Eyiboh

When Senator Godswill Obot Akpabio assumed office as President of Nigeria’s 10th Senate in June 2023, expectations were understandably high. Nigeria was grappling with economic headwinds, persistent security challenges, and growing public demand for more responsive and effective democratic institutions. In such a climate, the National Assembly was expected not merely to make laws, but to provide leadership, strengthen oversight, and restore public confidence in governance.

Three years into his tenure, the Senate under Akpabio has increasingly sought to position itself as a stable, proactive, and policy-driven legislative institution. Through a combination of legislative initiatives, institutional reforms, parliamentary diplomacy, and engagement with critical national issues, the Senate has played a visible role in shaping the country’s governance landscape. While critics have raised concerns on certain matters—an inevitable feature of democratic leadership—the overall record presents a legislature that has remained active, cohesive, and focused on its constitutional responsibilities during a period of significant national transition.

The foremost responsibility of any legislature is lawmaking, and in this regard, the 10th Senate has maintained an ambitious legislative agenda. Hundreds of bills have been introduced and processed, many of them directly targeting Nigeria’s pressing economic, fiscal, and governance challenges. According to Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele, in a midterm scorecard released in June 2025, the upper chamber introduced 983 bills and passed 108 into law between June 2023 and June 2025. This included 83 bills passed in the 2024/2025 legislative year alone, compared to 25 bills in the 9th Senate in the same period. Official legislative records also indicate a significant rise in legislative activity compared to previous assemblies, suggesting that the 10th Senate has been notably active by legislative output metrics.

More significant than the volume of legislation, however, has been the Senate’s focus on measures with far-reaching national implications. The emphasis has not been on legislative activity for its own sake, but on advancing reforms designed to address some of Nigeria’s most pressing economic and governance challenges. The Senate has prioritised reforms aimed at stimulating economic growth, improving public finance management, strengthening institutions, and expanding social protection.

One of the defining legislative undertakings of the 10th Senate has been its commitment to tax reform and fiscal modernization. Nigeria’s tax system has long been criticised for fragmentation, multiple taxation, weak compliance, and excessive dependence on oil revenue. Under Akpabio’s leadership, the Senate pursued reforms aimed at simplifying tax administration, broadening the tax base, promoting digital compliance, and providing greater relief for small businesses and low-income earners. In May 2025, the Senate passed four major tax reform bills which, according to the Chairman of the Presidential Committee on Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms and now Minister of Finance, Taiwo Oyedele, could increase Nigeria’s tax-to-GDP ratio from about 10 per cent in 2023 to approximately 18 per cent by the end of 2027.

These reforms are significant because Nigeria’s tax-to-GDP ratio remains among the lowest in Africa, limiting government revenue and public investment capacity. By supporting measures aimed at modernising tax collection and reducing leakages, the Senate sought to create a more sustainable fiscal framework capable of supporting infrastructure, education, healthcare, and social services.

Beyond fiscal reforms, the Senate has devoted significant legislative attention to education, regional development, agriculture, energy, and the digital economy. Bills relating to tertiary education, regional development etc commissions, agricultural growth, and public sector modernization have featured prominently on its agenda. Notable examples include the Student Loan (Access to Higher Education) Act, 2024, which reportedly facilitated over one million applications through the Nigerian Education Loan Fund, and the Electricity Act (Amendment) 2023, which expanded the role of states and private investors in electricity generation and distribution.

To strengthen the country’s electoral process, the Senate also pursued amendments to the Electoral Act aimed at improving internal party democracy and clarifying procedures around party primaries and consensus candidacies. Supporters of the reforms argue that clearer legal definitions and procedural safeguards could help reduce arbitrary candidate selection and strengthen transparency within political parties. Senate Leader Bamidele has also indicated that additional reforms, including possible provisions for diaspora voting and early voting for security personnel, remain priorities for the remaining legislative period.

Beyond lawmaking, one of the less visible but significant developments of the 10th Senate has been institutional stability. Historically, Nigeria’s upper legislative chamber has often been characterised by prolonged leadership disputes, partisan confrontations, and disruptions capable of slowing governance processes. Under Akpabio’s leadership, however, the Senate has largely maintained operational cohesion and stability.

Plenary debates have generally remained issue-focused rather than personality-driven, while contentious national matters have often been managed through consultation and negotiation. This atmosphere of relative stability has reduced legislative deadlocks and allowed committees to function with greater consistency.

The Senate President’s leadership style has leaned heavily toward consultation and consensus-building. In a politically diverse chamber comprising members of the APC, PDP, Labour Party, NNPP, SDP, and other minority parties, Akpabio has consistently emphasized bipartisan cooperation over rigid partisanship. Committee appointments, major motions, and sensitive legislative debates have reflected efforts to accommodate competing interests while preserving institutional cohesion.

As a result, the 10th Senate has witnessed substantial cross-party cooperation on key national issues, even though disagreements naturally remain part of democratic governance.

Another area in which the Senate has demonstrated effectiveness is budgetary coordination. For three consecutive fiscal years, the National Assembly passed the national budget before the start of the new financial year. The 2024 budget of N27.5 trillion, for instance, was approved on December 30, 2023, ahead of the fiscal cycle. The Senate also passed the 2024 and 2025 appropriations totalling N43.5 trillion, although implementation timelines for some projects were subsequently extended to facilitate completion.

This marked a departure from previous cycles characterised by delayed budget approvals and implementation uncertainty. Timely budget passage improves predictability for Ministries, Departments, and Agencies, enhances investor confidence, allows contractors to plan more effectively, and supports smoother execution of government projects. In a developing economy like Nigeria, where public expenditure plays a major role in economic activity, budget stability remains important to growth and development.

At the same time, the Senate has continued to discharge its constitutional oversight responsibilities through investigative hearings, committee reviews, and ministerial screenings. During periods of persistent fuel scarcity, the Senate leadership engaged key stakeholders in the petroleum sector, including an oversight visit to the Dangote Petroleum Refinery. Supporters contend that the intervention helped keep national attention focused on domestic refining capacity and crude supply arrangements. Subsequent Federal Government measures, including support for naira-denominated crude transactions, were widely viewed as part of a broader effort to ease supply constraints and calm the downstream market. Today, the long fuel queues that once defined daily life have receded considerably, although deeper challenges in the energy sector remain.

On the international stage, the Senate under Akpabio has strengthened parliamentary diplomacy, carrying Nigeria’s voice into global conversations on democracy, development, security, and international cooperation. Nigeria has assumed a more visible role within the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), contributing to debates on democratic governance, collective security, climate resilience, and legislative best practices. Through these engagements, the Senate has sought not only to advance Nigeria’s interests but also to position the country as a constructive participant in addressing shared global challenges.

A notable diplomatic milestone was Nigeria’s election into the IPU Executive Committee for the first time in decades, a development widely interpreted as recognition of the country’s renewed parliamentary engagement within international legislative circles. Akpabio was also designated to serve on the Preparatory Committee for the 6th World Conference of Speakers of Parliament in 2024.

Domestically, one of the Senate’s most consequential constitutional moments came in August 2023 during the crisis in the Niger Republic following the military coup. When President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, acting as Chairman of ECOWAS, sought legislative backing for possible regional intervention, the Senate urged restraint and prioritized diplomatic engagement over immediate military action. Widely viewed as a demonstration of legislative independence and respect for the principle of separation of powers, the decision reaffirmed the Senate’s constitutional role in matters of security and foreign policy while underscoring a preference for dialogue, diplomacy, and regional stability at a moment of heightened tension across West Africa.

No balanced assessment of the 10th Senate can entirely overlook concerns raised by critics and observers. Questions have occasionally been raised regarding the depth of scrutiny applied during the confirmation of some executive nominees, while certain oversight investigations produced outcomes that critics considered less robust than expected.

In broader terms, the 10th Senate has combined increased legislative activity with relative political stability while attempting to align its priorities with Nigeria’s economic and governance realities. Supporters point to the passage of the National Minimum Wage Amendment Act, the Investments and Securities Act, and multiple regional development commission bills as examples of substantive legislation with potentially long-term national impact.

With one legislative year remaining before the next election cycle begins to dominate political discourse, the principal test facing the 10th Senate may ultimately be one of implementation and public confidence. If the tax reforms strengthen revenue generation, if the student loan programme continues to expand educational access without major controversy, and if the Senate further enhances oversight transparency, the chamber may secure a more enduring institutional legacy. Conversely, if concerns about public perception and executive accommodation persist, critics may continue to question whether legislative productivity has translated into sufficient institutional independence. It is worth noting, however, that history suggests the most successful periods of national development have often occurred not during eras of executive-legislative confrontation, but when both arms of government cooperated effectively while remaining faithful to their distinct constitutional responsibilities.

If the reforms advanced by the Senate continue to produce measurable national impact, and if the institution successfully addresses concerns relating to oversight and accountability, history may ultimately remember the 10th Senate not merely as a productive legislature, but as one that contributed to stabilising governance and repositioning democratic institutions during a consequential period in Nigeria’s development.

Rt Hon Eseme Eyiboh mnipr is a former member and Spokesperson in the House of Representatives and currently, the Special Adviser on Media/ Publicity and Official Spokesperson to the President of the 10th Senate