Opinion
The Media Must See Clearly: World Order, Truth, and the Taiwan Deception
By Raphael Oni
After nearly a quarter of a century walking the corridors of power—from the marble halls of the United Nations in New York to the vibrant conference rooms of the African Union in Addis Ababa, and from the Forbidden City in Beijing to the Presidential Villa in Abuja—I have learned one immutable truth: the media is not merely a witness to history; it is a participant. When the media participates in misinformation, whether through ignorance or design, it does not merely record a wrong turn—it leads the public straight into a ditch.
Let me speak plainly, as a journalist who has seen diplomatic fictions collapse and actual realities prevail. The recent attempts by a handful of Nigerian journalists to lend credibility to Taiwan’s separatist ambitions are not just professionally embarrassing—they are a betrayal of the public trust. They demonstrate a dangerous ignorance of the world order and a susceptibility to manipulation that should alarm every media house on this continent.
Understanding the World Order: A Primer for Journalists
The modern world order is not a mysterious maze. It is built on clear foundations: the UN Charter, the principle of sovereign equality, and the inviolability of territorial integrity affirmed by Resolution 2758 (1971). Taiwan is not a country.It has never been a member of the United Nations. It holds no seat in any specialized UN agency. It has no independent sovereignty under international law.
These are not political opinions—they are legal facts. Any journalist who travels to Taipei and returns to write as if these facts do not exist is not reporting; they are either misled or complicit in propaganda.
The world order also recognizes the reality of power and interests. Some advanced countries pays lip service to the “status quo” in the Taiwan Strait. This act has been systematically arming the Taipei authorities, to continue in error. This is not about democracy—it is about containing China’s rise. Africa, which has no interest in becoming a pawn in great-power competition, the continent knows that truth, no wonder 53 out of 54 stands on the truth.
I have covered enough diplomatic operations to recognize a classic lobbying campaign when I see one. The Taiwan authorities deploy a well-funded, sophisticated playbook:
Media seduction: Journalists are invited on all-expenses-paid trips, wined and dined, and presented with glossy narratives about “democracy” and “resilience.” The reality of Taiwan’s diplomatic isolation, its lack of UN recognition, and its status as a province of China is carefully concealed.
Economic lures: Taiwan offers favorable trade deals, scholarships, and “development assistance” to the few countries—now only Eswatini in Africa—that maintain formal ties. This is not partnership; it is a purchase of recognition.
Cultural camouflage: “Taiwan” is presented as a distinct culture, language, and identity, obscuring the historical and legal reality that Taiwan has always been Chinese territory, inhabited by Chinese people, and governed under Chinese sovereignty.
The visiting Nigerian journalists fell for this playbook. They returned to Nigeria talking about “relocating the trade office to Abuja,” apparently unaware that Nigeria closed the so-called Taiwanese Trade Mission in January 2017 precisely because the One-China Principle does not allow for diplomatic representation of a non-sovereign entity. This is not a matter of opinion—it is Nigerian law and policy. As such the administration of the late President Buhari corrected the diplomatic blunder.
Let me be blunt: Africa has been manipulated before. During the Cold War, we were pawns in a game between Washington and Moscow. We paid the price in civil wars, coups, and economic devastation. We learned that lesson the hard way.
We must not allow ourselves to be manipulated again—this time by a separatist regime in Taipei, backed by some advance countries seeking to drag us into a conflict that is not ours. Fifty-three out of fifty-four African nations have made their choice. The African Union has made its position clear. The Beijing Declaration of FOCAC 2024 reaffirms the continental commitment. Eswatini stands alone—not because it has a better argument, but because it has been bought. The rest of Africa knows the truth.
I have spent years on this beat. I have seen regimes fall and alliances shift. I have covered the Arab Spring, the end of apartheid, and the rise of China as a global partner for Africa. Through it all, one principle has guided me: “the truth must come first.”
The truth is that Taiwan is part of China. The truth is that the One-China Principle is recognized by the United Nations and the overwhelming majority of countries. The truth is that the so-called “Taiwan independence” movement is a separatist project that threatens peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region and beyond.
The truth is also that China has been a consistent, reliable partner for Africa—building roads, railways, hospitals, and schools; providing vaccines during the pandemic; and respecting our sovereignty without the condescension that so often accompanies Western engagement. To undermine this relationship for the sake of a few free plane tickets and photo opportunities with Taiwanese officials is not just wrong, it is against the stand of Africa as a whole.
To my fellow journalists in Nigeria and across Africa: I urge you to do your homework. Understand the legal framework. Read UN Resolution 2758. Study the Cairo Declaration. Know that the “Republic of China” ceased to exist in 1949, and the People’s Republic of China has been the sole legitimate government representing all of China—including Taiwan—ever since.
Do not be seduced by junkets. Do not be manipulated by narratives designed to deceive. And above all, do not become tools of a separatist agenda that has no future, no legal standing, and no support from the international community.
The world order is not complicated. It is built on sovereignty, territorial integrity, and the rule of law. The media must be its guardian, not its gravedigger.
Opinion
OF TEEJAY YUSUF, KOGI WEST SENATORIAL DISTRICT, AND RESPONSIVE SERVANTHOOD
BY BOLAJI AFOLABI
Irrespective of religion or whatsoever belief, human beings, daily ask the Creator for guidance and direction before leaving their respective homes. For many people, given the realities of accentuating poverty, pervading hunger, corrosive hardship, disabling unemployment, and economic squalor that is sweeping the country, this request has become must-do.
A few months back, the writer was in Kubwa, at the instance of a senior friend for a prospective discussion. Kubwa, by the way is unarguably, the biggest and most populated satellite town in Abuja. Referred to as “Abuja Substitute” because many of those who work in the capital city live in Kubwa; a very heterogenous town populated by civil servants, the middle-class, businessmen, entrepreneurs, artisans, and those in the informal and semi-formal sectors.
The writer had a personal experience which confirmed the potency of this silent wish. Driving through the early-afternoon rain, after about 20 minutes, one was welcomed into the Mart View Lounge; venue of the meeting by the host. Impressed by the ambience, facilities, and services, the host beckoned on one of the senior staff members to lead us on a guided tour of the resort. The Lounge, in many ways can compete with a few of those in Gwarimpa, Jabi, Wuse, Garki, and Wuse 2 Districts. Towards the end of about an hour’s discussion, one’s attention drifted to a table not far off as four middle-aged men were engrossed in a hearty and engaging political talk.
A few minutes later, the name of the topic of this treatise featured prominently in their discourse.
Like a newshound who sniffed a potential scoop, one had to take a few, quick steps and joined the quartet to hear more. Shocked by the intrusion, the writer had to do a brief introduction, which proved useful after all. Convinced that “one of us” – though more of a local diasporan – had joined the “platform” they resumed discussions. With renewed enthusiasm, they rolled out reasons for being in the mood. Exuding confidence, they projected that TeeJay Yusuf would be voted as the next Senator for Kogi West in the January 2027 general elections.
One decided to play the devil’s advocate to ascertain their understanding of politics, particularly in Kogi West, extrapolate the antecedents and past achievements of Yusuf vis-a-vis his chances. Taking these as challenges, the four-men; like brilliant students in an exam acquitted themselves creditably.
In great measures, reports and observations confirmed the opinions and comments by the quartet. In his tour of duty as the representative of Kabba-Bunu/Ijumu Federal Constituency, between 2011 and 2023, Yusuf, confirmed the words of Stephen Covey that, “what you do has far greater impact than what you say.” This, he started early. One recalls that at an event held in Abuja – a few weeks before the 2011 general elections, he made some bold statements, which many described as the usual melody by politicians.
Yusuf declared, “by the Grace of God, I am going to hit the ground running after winning the elections,” and pledged to begin “an immediate education initiative for secondary school students.” Finally, he promised, “I will bring a new phase of responsiveness, resourcefulness, and responsibility to representation. I will be different.”
Barely a month after Inauguration as a Member of the 7th House of Representatives, Yusuf organized a four-week summer school studies for students, called “Back-To-School” in seven centres spread across the constituency. He confirmed Abraham Lincoln’s counsel that, “commitment is what transforms a promise to reality,” as he sustained and improved the curriculum, structure, and benefits of the initiative for 12 years.
The centres were increased to over a dozen for more coverage; participation increased from the initial 2,000+ to over 10,000 – including students from other communities and states holidaying in Kabba-Bunu/Ijumu Federal Constituency; scholarship and other incentives were increased. To enhance the intelligence quotient, confidence, and capacity of students, the annual “TeeJay Yusuf/NTA Kabba Quiz Competition” was added.
At a function, Yusuf confessed that his passion and bias for education is borne out of the realization that, “it is the bedrock for personal growth, community development, and national transformation.”
From records, Yusuf eminently discharged his responsibilities as the representative of his constituency. For 12 years, he excelled in each of the three primary duties of a Legislator; Law-Making, Oversight, and Representation. He moved about 100 Motions, and 20 Bills; that are people-focused, development-driven, targeted at good governance, and the development of public institutions.
At every point of legislative work, either at plenary sessions, committees discourse, or oversight engagements, Yusuf’s commitment and contributions were visibly evident. Never a back-bencher, seat-warmer, or one to go “deaf and dumb” when national issues were discussed and debated, he canvasses his points with detailed analysis, unmistakable patriotism, and resolute conviction. A senior journalist who craved anonymity confirmed that, “TeeJay Yusuf was one of the brilliant minds that made the 7th House the delight of many people. He is fearless, bold, intelligent, and takes position on issues not minding if he is alone.”
In representation, which involves constituency development, Yusuf’s style was different and unique. Deploying his social crusader and negotiation skills, acquired as a student unionist and former Secretary-General of the National Association of Nigerian Students, (NANS), he collaborated with public servants, colleagues, and other like minds – some are from his constituency, Kogi West, and Kogi State. For him, attracting projects and programmes to the people is not, and can never be a “one-man show.” Yusuf declared that, “though the Legislator will be the anchor, the efforts and input of others is necessary.” The results of this and his commitment to development crystallized to numerous projects, programmes, and initiatives across the 30 Wards of Kabba-Bunu/Ijumu Federal Constituency. For 12 years, his footprints in education, healthcare, power, water, roads, agriculture, skills development, employment generation, and some other sectors were visible in many towns and communities within the constituency; and even beyond.
Over the years, conscious of the enormous natural endowments and human resources in Kogi West, Yusuf has always reached out to communities and people outside his constituency. At every point, he builds enduring bridges of relationships and interactions with different people; irrespective of age, tribe, religion, and political affinities. To underscore the importance of unity as a strategic ingredient for development, he pioneered the “Interactive Dinner For Public Servants And Others” in 2013. The initiative which ran for about a decade, became a veritable platform for connectivity, networking, unity, and community development. Mr. Ola Fatoye, a retired federal bureaucrat confessed that, “unknown to the Initiator, many of us leveraged on the platform for career progression. Some of the friends I made at the yearly event contributed massively to my career till I retired, and even now. Sadly, none of our legislators are doing a similar programme.”
With his emergence as a candidate for the Kogi West Senatorial elections scheduled for January 2027, many people – including supporters, political associates, and some other groups – are optimistic that the time is now.
Recall that he made an unsuccessful bid for the same position in 2023. However, many people argue that having had 12 unbroken years in the House, where he acquitted himself as a consummate and committed legislator who was (and still) readily accessible and available to the people, prioritizing their needs and desires in the course of being their voice and solicitor, 2027 is the most appropriate time to promote him to the Red Chamber.
Some others affirmed that, in and out of public office, he has refused to be individualistic, preferring rather, to work and seek for the good of his people. It is generally believed that, if successful, he will do the same for the contiguous catchments across the sprawling sub-country of Kogi West, which stretches from Chikara, abutting the Federal Capital Territory, (FCT), onwards to Egbe in Yagba West LGA. They are confident that with the enormous legislative experience in his pouch, the entire 85 wards, in the 7 LGAs constituting the Senatorial District will be the ultimate beneficiary, if he is entrusted with the collective electoral franchise of the people.
* BOLAJI AFOLABI, a Development Communications specialist was with the Office of Public Affairs, The Presidency, Abuja.
Opinion
*WHEN PRIVACY BECOMES CONTENT*
The Dangerous Normalisation of Leaked Private Conversations
By
Ken Harries, Esq.
There is a point at which political contestation ceases to be an argument about ideas and becomes an assault on the very boundaries that make civil society possible. That point is reached when a private telephone conversation is allegedly recorded, extracted from its original context and released into the public domain as political ammunition.
The latest controversy surrounding an audio recording purported to be a telephone conversation between Senator Godswill Akpabio and Sandra C. Duru, a.k.a. Professor Mgbeke, therefore deserves to be examined beyond the personalities involved. It raises a much larger question: What happens to a society when private conversations become raw material for public propaganda?
Recent reports indicate that Sandra Duru released a nine-minute audio recording on social media and presented portions of it as a private conversation involving the Senate President. Yet, significantly, the recording has not been independently authenticated, and questions remain about the identity of the voices, the circumstances in which the conversation was recorded, and whether the excerpts constitute the complete conversation. Those uncertainties are not minor technicalities; they are at the heart of responsible public communication.
PRIVACY IS NOT A POLITICAL LUXURY
Nigeria’s Constitution is unequivocal in recognising privacy as a fundamental right. Section 37 guarantees and protects the privacy of citizens, including their homes, correspondence and telephone conversations. That constitutional safeguard does not disappear because the individuals involved are politicians, public officials, activists or controversial personalities. Indeed, public office should never be interpreted as a wholesale surrender of personal privacy.
The Nigeria Data Protection Act 2023 reinforces this principle by establishing a legal framework for protecting personal information and regulating its processing. Among its stated objectives are the protection of fundamental rights and freedoms, the safeguarding of personal data, and the requirement that personal data be processed in a fair, lawful and accountable manner.
The central question, therefore, is not whether an audio recording can generate political excitement; it obviously can. The question is whether private communication can be captured, processed, edited, reproduced and disseminated for political purposes without lawful justification, proper authorisation or regard for the rights of the people whose voices and personal information are involved. That is a much more serious question.
THE CYBER DIMENSION CANNOT BE IGNORED
The Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, etc.) Act, as amended in 2024, also contains provisions concerning unlawful interception of non-public computer communications and judicially authorised interception of electronic communications. The legislation defines interception broadly enough to include listening to or recording communication data in specified circumstances. But legal precision matters, particularly when criminal liability is being discussed.
It would be premature for commentators to declare, without establishing the facts, that the mere existence or publication of this particular audio automatically constitutes a criminal offence under the Cybercrimes Act. If, however, the evidence establishes that a private electronic communication was intercepted or obtained without lawful authority, the circumstances could raise serious questions under the applicable constitutional, data-protection and cybercrime frameworks. That is precisely why an independent investigation matters: the law should determine the legality, not social media.
PUBLIC INTEREST IS NOT A BLANK CHEQUE
There is another important distinction that the Nigerian public must begin to make. A matter involving a public official may be of public interest without every private conversation involving that official becoming public property. Public interest is not the same thing as public curiosity.
A genuine public-interest disclosure ordinarily requires more than the ability to attract clicks, outrage or political engagement. It requires consideration of authenticity, context, provenance, relevance and the legitimate rights of the people involved. A fragment of an alleged private conversation, detached from the circumstances in which it occurred and presented to millions of people without independent authentication, can easily become something very different from responsible whistleblowing.
It can become narrative engineering, particularly when selected material is used to encourage the public towards a predetermined interpretation. When such narrative engineering is repeatedly used to shape public perception, it begins to resemble propaganda rather than public accountability.
THE MORAL QUESTION
There is also a moral dimension that no statute can completely capture. Politics is already a theatre of suspicion, rivalry and competing narratives. If every private conversation is potentially a future weapon, trust disappears from public life. People stop speaking candidly, officials become afraid of legitimate conversations, and citizens become unwilling to engage public figures.
Political communication then gradually degenerates into a marketplace where the most sensational fragment—not necessarily the most truthful account—commands the greatest attention. This is where the conduct surrounding the dissemination of private conversations raises profound ethical questions.
A society that normalises the conversion of private conversations into political weapons risks producing a culture in which nothing is private, context is disposable and reputation is collateral damage. That is not democratic accountability; it is the erosion of the ethical architecture upon which democratic accountability depends.
THE PROBLEM WITH THE “MERCHANT OF PROPAGANDA” MODEL
There is a growing phenomenon in digital politics in which controversy itself becomes a political commodity. The objective is no longer necessarily to establish facts, but to generate a continuous stream of allegations, recordings, screenshots, insinuations and counter-allegations until the public becomes emotionally exhausted and truth becomes indistinguishable from repetition.
The danger is particularly acute when the communicator becomes both the source of the allegation and the narrator of the evidence. That model creates an obvious credibility problem because the public is effectively being asked to accept not merely the allegation but also the interpretation supplied by the person disseminating it.
That is why independent verification is indispensable. A recording should be authenticated, its provenance established, its full context examined and any editing disclosed. The circumstances of its acquisition should also be investigated. Where there are allegations of unlawful interception or misuse of personal data, the appropriate regulatory and law-enforcement authorities should be allowed to do their work.
FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION HAS RESPONSIBILITIES
Freedom of expression is indispensable to democracy, but so is the right to privacy. These principles should not be presented as enemies. Responsible journalism, legitimate whistleblowing and public-interest disclosure have their place, but none of them should become convenient labels for every unauthorised exposure of private communications.
The democratic answer to disputed conduct is evidence, investigation and due process—not digital vigilantism. If the recording is authentic and contains evidence of wrongdoing, the proper response is to submit the evidence to the appropriate institutions and allow the facts to be tested. If it is unauthorised, manipulated, selectively edited or misleadingly presented, those facts should also be established through proper investigation. Either way, the truth deserves a process more rigorous than a Facebook post.
THIS IS BIGGER THAN AKPABIO
The most important lesson from this episode should not be about Senator Godswill Akpabio alone; it should be about the Nigeria we are creating. Today, it may be a conversation involving a Senate President. Tomorrow, it could be a judge, journalist, businessman, civil servant, academic, clergy member or ordinary citizen.
If the principle becomes that anyone who possesses a private recording is entitled to publish it whenever politically convenient, then privacy ceases to be a right and becomes merely a temporary privilege enjoyed by those who have not yet been recorded. That is a dangerous trend with implications extending far beyond the personalities involved in the present controversy.
The constitutional guarantee of privacy cannot be selectively defended, data protection cannot become a slogan deployed only when convenient, and cybercrime legislation cannot be invoked selectively. Political communication cannot be allowed to become a free-for-all in which reputations are tried and convicted on social media before evidence is examined.
LET THE LAW SPEAK
There is, therefore, a compelling case for the relevant authorities to establish the facts surrounding any purported private telephone recording now circulating. Who made the recording? How was it obtained? Was consent given? Was the communication intercepted? Was it edited? Who first disseminated it, and for what purpose? What personal data were processed? Was there a lawful basis for that processing? And does the dissemination violate any applicable constitutional, statutory or judicial protection? Those are questions for evidence, not conjecture.
There is, however, a broader principle worth defending: private communication should not become political ammunition merely because it can generate attention. A democracy requires trust, evidence, restraint and respect for the law. Public accountability is strengthened, not weakened, when allegations are subjected to verification and established processes rather than determined by the velocity of social-media circulation.
The real moral deficit in contemporary public discourse is not that people disagree. It is that the boundaries between legitimate scrutiny and intrusion can become dangerously blurred when private material is circulated without adequate attention to authenticity, context, provenance and applicable law. Once society becomes indifferent to those boundaries, everyone—not merely public officials—has reason to be concerned about the future of privacy.
Ken Harries, Esq., is an Abuja-based Development Communication Strategist.
Opinion
O.K CHINDA: A QUINTESSENTIAL LEGISLATOR FIT FOR RIVERS “BRICK HOUSE”
BY
BOLAJI AFOLABI.
Since his emergence as the Governorship candidate of the All Progressives Congress, (APC), for Rivers State in next year’s general elections, the buzz around and about him, his aspirations, and prospects of being the fifth occupant of the “Brick House” – in the 4th Republic has been tremendous. Ogundu Kingsley Chinda; commonly called O.K Chinda, received a state-wide affirmation polling 268,497 total votes across the entire 319 Wards of the 23 LGAs at the governorship primaries of the party, held on July 27th in Port Harcourt, with Rt. Hon. Laori Kwamoti as the Chairman of the Committee. From the get-go, developments revealed that he was (and still) the right choice, as he enjoys overwhelming support of the people. Thereafter, different Groups, Associations, and Bodies were formed to canvass, market his candidacy; while waiting for the Independent National Electoral Commission, (INEC) to signal the commencement of electioneering campaigns.
Little wonder there was spontaneous applause and tumultuous enthusiasm by the people when, INEC on September 19, formally announced the commencement of public campaigns for the Governorship and State Assembly elections, in accordance with the electoral guidelines. Almost immediately, there has been a preponderance of activities by different groups and individuals for the O.K Chinda’s project. According to informed and credible sources, meetings, discussions, and consultations across the State have been on the increase. Campaign messages of varied strands and slants have become a permanent fixture on the social media. Here, voters and residents of Rivers regularly receive varied messages from numerous support groups geared towards ensuring that the name, aspirations, and manifesto of the APC candidate is ingrained in their hearts, heads, and eyes. But why the groundswell support? Why the confidence in a Legislator occupying an executive position?
Somehow, it seems there are certain reasons why Chinda’s governorship ambition is gaining momentum, spreading faster, and winning more converts daily. We will come to this later. From research and empirical reports, the writer discovered that, globally, many Legislators transit to Executive positions. In the United States of America, for instance some of the Governors are former Members of Congress. As of January 2026, over a dozen Governors have previously served in the US House of Representatives. They include Kathy Hochul – New York; Abigail Spanberger – Virginia; Mikie Sherrill – New Jersey; Jeff Landry – Louisiana; Kelly Armstrong – North Dakota; and Greg Gianforte – Montana.
Similar trends are prevalent in some countries in Europe and Africa. In Nigeria, between 1999 and now, there are a few former Members of the House of Representatives that have occupied executive positions; either Governor or Deputy Governor in respective States. They include Abdul’Aziz Yari – Zamfara; Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi – Enugu; Gabriel Suswam – Benue; Seriake Dickson – Bayelsa; Bello Matawalle – Zamfara; and Aminu Tambuwal – Sokoto. A few others like Umar Bago – Niger; and Duoye Diri – Bayelsa are present chief executives. Some leadership experts argue that having legislative experience is a necessary ingredient that will guide Governors towards credible performances. Further, Legislative Houses – particularly at the federal level – is described as a preparatory institution needed towards assuming executive positions in States.
With these backgrounds, it is obvious that Chinda’s choice is resonating with the majority of people in Rivers. Over the years, he has proven himself as one of the most resourceful legislators in Nigeria. With over 15 years in the House of Representatives, as a quintessential lawmaker, responsive politician, and resilient advocate for good governance, and general well-being of the people, Chinda ticks all the boxes to superintendent Rivers. Seriously, given the vagaries of unfortunate issues that affected Executive-Legislature relationship in the out-going government, moving forward, the State needs a chief executive that is grounded in legislative duties. This, Chinda has in quality measures, in addition to his previous public service careers as a Legal Adviser to the Chairman of Obio/Akpor LGA, and Commissioner for the Environment. For Rivers, it is a classic case of “plus-one-for-one” – having a Governor that has two distinctive epaulettes; executive and (federal) legislative experiences.
Many people have concluded that Chinda is OK for Rivers, as he will not learn on the job but hit the ground running. There are merits in this line of thought and public perception. Being the representative of Obio/Akpor in Nigeria’s House of Representatives since 2011, Chinda has posted brilliant achievements in lawmaking, oversight, and representation. He has over 80 Motions and over 30 Bills to his name. He has impacted on his constituents (and some others outside Obio/Akpor) through projects, programmes, and initiatives that cuts across different sectors. These include education, infrastructures, constructions, health, agriculture, and environment. Others are skills development, community development, women empowerment, youth development, capacity building, and humanitarian gestures.
In the past few months, comments by the people have clearly confirmed the broad-based recognition and public endorsements of Chinda’s governorship ambition. Chief Paul Ekeocha, a Port Harcourt based serial entrepreneur believes that, “Rivers cannot ask for more because of Chinda’s passion and commitment to the development of our State and the people. He maintains a humble, simple, accessible, compassionate, and responsible personae that are rare among politicians.” For Madam Gladys Mike-Hart, an educationist, “he has paid his dues as a loyal, reliable, and dependable, and hardworking politician whose consistent performances have benefitted many people, including non-politicians and members of other parties.”
Comrade Thaddeus Priye, an activist and founder of a youth-focussed CSO declared that, “his candidacy has gained huge traction among different groups, associations, ethnicity, political parties, and others. He has emerged and remains the choice of Rivers people.” Alhaji Usman Minjibir, a non-indegene and transporter revealed that, “our Union has decided to support and mobilize votes for him because some of our members have also benefitted from his programmes, as recent as December last year.” To drive home the point, a senior member of one of the opposition parties in the State who begged for anonymity confessed, “it is an uphill task to defeat Chinda because he is not only loved by many people but he has touched the lives of numerous politicians. The truth is that, his acceptance and support base cuts across different parties.”
Indeed, a dispassionate analysis of Chinda’s public service credentials and political odysseys, to a great extent validates the confidence and optimism of the people. His over thirty years career in the private sector, the executive, and legislature is a huge and unique boost to his aspiration. By May next year, Chinda would have grossed 16 years in the House of Representatives as a super-ranking and top-of-the-class lawmaker with numerous trail-blazing and record-breaking feats. Also, his long years of interfacing with the bureaucracy at State and Federal levels should smoothen the pace of governance, and impact positively on leadership. No doubt, considering his pedigree, Chinda is expected to transform from making laws to Making Rivers Work.
* BOLAJI AFOLABI, a Development Communications specialist was with the Office of Public Affairs, The Presidency, Abuja.
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