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Permutations On Edo Governorship Election 2024

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By Professor Echefuna’ R G ONYEBEADI

The die is cast! By September 21, 2024 (roughly twenty four hours from now), Edo people shall vote for who will be the next governor of their State.
The stake seems to be very high. It’s most likely to be a “roforofo” show between the “haves” and the “have nots”. Between wits and brawns; and between “godsons” and the “godfatherless”.
The election is poised to be a straight fight between three categories of people viz (not in a particular order):
1. The Elites
2. The Idealists
3. The Vulnerables (terminology loosely used).

The forthcoming election is for three political parties namely: APC, LP and PDP (in alphabetical order), to win or lose.

PDP represents the Elites group. Labour Party (LP) represents the Idealists group while the APC represents the Vulnerables group in the forthcoming election.

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Whereas APC has the “Federal Might” (don’t ask me what that means), APC as a political, a former Governor and a humongous flow of money that is flowing from doubtful sources; PDP has the “power of incumbency” (please, don’t ask me what that means), a sitting governor and some unhindered flow of the State’s money, but without the global support of PDP as a political party.
The LP does not have those skewed “advantages” of both the APC and the PDP, but they have the full backing of the “Obidients” with a divided LP as a political party.

Ordinarily, going by “Nigerian factor” (again, please, don’t ask me what that means) on election matters among others, the election would have been for the APC to lose. But, it may not be so this time by a combination of factors.

PDP may have just had an easy win as the political party in power in the State, but again, that may not be so by a combination of factors.

The LP may have just lost the election outrightly in the fight for power between the trio of APC, PDP and LP, but again, that may not be so due to a combination of factors.

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So, who then does the odds favour to win the forthcoming governorship election in Edo State? Wait for it!

By simple logic and by the unwritten principles of zoning and rotation, the governorship election is ordinarily for the Edo Central zone to pick, more so, considering the fact that, in this new political dispensation from 1999 to date, Edo South has produced governors twice spanning 16 years out of 25 years. Edo North has produced a governor for 8 years while Edo Central had produced a governor by default for just about one year, off record.

If the general perception of the incumbent Governor’s ‘poor’ performance connotes reality, then, it will be a very herculean task for the current PDP “controlled” State government to win the forthcoming governorship election in Edo State.

This apart, the latent “Omonoba” factor is a very big abartross that will be very difficult if not impossible for the current PDP led government of the State to overcome.

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Going by the unprecedented, multifaceted and highly excruciating pains inflicted on Nigerians by the APC led Federal Government, it may be very difficult to convince the Edo people at this time, that their lots will be better served with a replication of an APC governor in the State.

Besides, the APC governorship candidate cuts across as a person bereft of original ideas, pedestrian and lacks self confidence/self esteem.

So, what would have ordinarily been an edge of having the so-called “Federal Might” and a favoured geopolitical zone, may backfire to cause a fatal political damage to the APC and its candidate.

The APC’s zonal factor sentiments of “tiwa ni tiwa” (our own is our own) and/or “it is our turn” ( awa lo kan) with an inappropriate candidate may really be offensive to the sensibilities and sensitivity of a people who had produced political juggernauts in the past in the persons of Chief Anthony Enahoro, Professor Ambrose Alli and Chief Tony Anenih, just to mention a few.

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APC seems to have an inappropriate candidate for a zone that is ordinarily favoured to produce the next governor.

Another fear to contend with is that of an overbearing APC god father which may not synchronize well with the psyche of many Edo people at this time.

Therefore, what may have become a disadvantage to APC’s candidate would have naturally become a clear advantage for the PDP candidate, considering that Edo Central is the favoured zone to produce the next governor. But, it may not turn out to be so.

The PDP candidate is elitist, highly educated, but seems imposed on the people and even supposedly alien to his own people.

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The PDP candidate seems to have the right credentials and/or pedigree, coming from a private sector but, his involvement in the current PDP led supposedly “failed” government and close association with a perceived “failed” incumbent Governor of the State is a big abbartross for the PDP candidate.

It may also be difficult for Edo people at this time to accept a political neophyte they hardly knew who is seemingly being put forward by a perceived “non performing” PDP godfather Governor!

It may be instructive at this juncture to note that, the so called rotation/zoning of elective political offices is not by any known law.

There hasn’t been any time that elective positions and particularly, that of governorship elections in Edo State have been exclusively restricted to and/or reserved solely, wholly and entirely for any particular zone without the active participation of the other zones.

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Otherwise, an Obaseki wouldn’t have been put forward and became governor for 8 years after an Igbinedion had previously governed for eight (8 ) years, when they are both from the same geopolitical zone of Edo South, without other zones taking their turns prior to.

There has never been any time all the zones didn’t present candidates for elections for governorship in the past.

Therefore, the present sentiments for the Edo Central zone to produce the next governor is neither a right nor any agreement by the stakeholders and citizens of Edo State. It can only be hinged on pleas, persuasions, negotiations, building bridges across the geopolitical divides and on moral ground. The clamour for zoning is not enforceable by any law.

Though the yearnings for zoning the governorship this time to Edo Central is justifiable based on the doctrines of equity, fairness and justice. It is also imperative to note that, one of the maxims of equity states that: he who must come to equity must do so with clean hands!

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Then, the pertinent question that needs an answer is: how clean are the hands of Edo Central stakeholders in producing inappropriate candidates that seem to be incurably deficient in the art and science of modern governance and/or unable to effectively communicate, with the added curiosity of being led and spoken for in their own campaigns by controversial people with lots of questionable baggage?

Flowing from the aforementioned therefore, it is my considered opinion that, the cloak of zoning elective positions, good as it may, is not a stand alone prerogative and can not rightly overshadow the overall interest and wellbeing of the citizens of the State.

While plying the route of zoning sentiments, it is only proper that competence, credibility, accountability, transparency and acceptability should not be sacrificed on the altars of incurable defective baggage and zoning.

Now, let’s consider some basic statistics.
According to the data from INEC, a total of 2,210,534 people registered to vote in the Edo Governorship election of Saturday, September 21, 2024.
Out of this number, only 1,726,738 people have collected their permanent voter cards (PVCs) while 483,796 PVCs are yet to be collected.

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The breakdown of eligible voters for each of the Edo state’s three geopolitical zones and the 18 Local Government Areas in alphabetical order are as follows:

*Edo Central (LGAs)*:
1. Esan Central – 57,100
2. Esan North East – 80,245
3. Esan South East – 76,842
4. Esan West – 99,983
5. Igueben – 46, 828
*Total = 364,998 or 16.51%*

*Edo North (LGAs)*:
1. Akoko Edo – 119,254
2. Etsako Central – 50,058
3. Etsako East – 81, 639
4. Etsako West – 160,137
5. Owan East – 91,841
6. Owan West – 61, 193
*Total = 564, 122 or 25.52%*

*Edo South (LGAs)*:
1. Egor – 219,832
2. Ikpoba Okha – 315,410
3. Oredo – 313,553
4. Orhinmwon – 118,672
5. Ovia North East – 143,009
6. Ovia South West – 96,409
7. Uhunmwode – 74,529
*Total = 1,281,414 or 57.97%*

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From the foregoing, it could be observed that *Edo Central has the least number of Local Government Areas (LGAs) with the least number of eligible voters, which is only 16.51% of the total number of eligible voters in Edo State.*

*Edo North has the second highest number of LGAs and the second highest number of eligible voters, which is 25.52% of the total number of eligible voters in Edo State.*

*Edo South has the highest number of eligible voters which is 57.97% of the total number of eligible voters in Edo State*

It may also be noticed that, Edo South alone where the LP candidate comes from, constitutes more than twice of the total number of eligible voters in both Edo Central and Edo North combined!

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Therefore, with all the variables and factors considered, the LP’s candidate for the forthcoming governorship election in Edo State may jolly well cruise to victory by default; more so if Edo South people decide to vote for their own, in addition to the palpable “Omonoba” sentiments as evidenced in recent massive protests in Benin City against the perceived enemies of the Oba of the ancient Benin kingdom.

In that case, the remnant votes of the Edo Central people which may be majorly shared by the two prominent candidates from that zone and that of the Edo North, which may mainly favour the candidate of the former governor from that zone, the overall effect may be such that will eventually tend to be insignificant.

All things considered, if the forthcoming election in Edo State is peaceful, free, fair, transparent and credible, all that the LP’s candidate needs to win the election is to secure a huge majority vote from his Edo South people and then, make some strategic inroads into the other two zones to get the mandatory 25% of the votes cast in 2-3rd of the LGAs of the State.

This simply translates to having the majority of the total votes cast as well as 25% of the votes cast in 12 (twelve) LGAs of Edo State.

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How these pans out will be an interesting watch!

In the final analysis, the ultimate decisions on who to vote for and/or against in the forthcoming governorship election in Edo State rests squarely on Edo State people. We wait to see!

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Opinion

*ANALYSIS OF THE SENATE SEATING CONTROVERSY: A Critical Examination Of Procedural Compliance, Gender Dynamics, And Democratic Principle In The Nigerian Senate*

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By Sunny Anderson Osiebe

Below is a critical examination of the situation, considering the Senate President’s actions, Senator Natasha’s rights, and the broader implications for Nigeria’s political image and democratic principles.

*The Senate President’s Alleged Intimidation of Female Senators*
The Senate President’s recent actions towards senator Natasha Akpoti must be scrutinized within the context of his treatment of female senators. And to ascertain if there is a pattern of behavior that has to do with intimidation or marginalization of women in the Senate, because his recent actions raises serious concerns about gender bias and equality in Nigeria’s legislative processes. This is because such behavior undermines the principles of inclusivity and fair representation, which are essential in a democratic society. If female senators are consistently subjected to harsher treatment or exclusion, it reflects poorly on the Senate’s commitment to gender equality and could deter women from participating in future politics and political activities.

*The Manner In Which Senator Natasha Was Asked to Leave the Chamber*
The Senate President’s decision to call the Sergeant-at-Arms to remove Senator Natasha from the chamber must be evaluated for proportionality and respect for due process. While the Senate Standing Orders grant the Senate President authority to enforce rules, the manner in which this authority is exercised matters. If the action was perceived as overly aggressive or dismissive, it could be interpreted as an abuse of power. The use of force or public humiliation to enforce compliance risks undermining the dignity of the Senate and the individuals involved. A more diplomatic approach, such as private discussions or warnings, might have been more appropriate to address the issue without escalating tensions.

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*Senator Natasha’s Right To Expression*
Senator Natasha’s right to express herself is a fundamental aspect of democratic governance. While Section 10(2) of the Senate Standing Orders requires senators to sit in their designated seats to be recognized, her refusal to comply could be seen as a form of protest against what she perceived as unfair treatment. If her reassignment was indeed part of a broader pattern of marginalization, her actions might be interpreted as a legitimate stand against systemic bias. However, her defiance of Senate rules also raises questions about the balance between individual expression and collective discipline in a legislative body. While her right to protest is valid, it must be exercised within the framework of the rules governing the Senate.

*International Impact On Nigeria’s Political Image*
The Senate President’s actions have implications beyond Nigeria’s borders. In an era of global scrutiny, incidents like this can damage Nigeria’s reputation as a democratic nation. If the Senate President’s behavior is perceived as authoritarian or discriminatory, it could reinforce negative stereotypes about Nigeria’s political culture. International observers, including foreign governments and human rights organizations, may view such incidents as evidence of systemic gender inequality or a lack of respect for democratic norms. This could affect Nigeria’s standing in international forums and its ability to advocate for democratic values globally.

*The Senate President’s Past Attitude Toward Female Senators*
If the Senate President has a history of contentious interactions with female senators, as could be seen also in his case with Senator Ireti Heebah Kingibe the Senator representing FCT, therefore senator Natasha Akpoti’s incident of February 20th 2025 cannot be viewed in isolation. Because a pattern of behavior targeting women would indicate a deeper issue of gender bias within the Senate leadership. Such behavior not only undermines the credibility of the Senate President but also raises questions about the Senate’s commitment to fostering an inclusive environment. Addressing these concerns would require a thorough review of the Senate’s internal culture and leadership practices.

*Senator Natasha’s Status As An Elected Representative*
As an elected representative, Senator Natasha has a mandate to represent her constituents. Her treatment in the Senate must respect this mandate and the democratic principles that underpin it. If her reassignment and subsequent removal were perceived as unjust or politically motivated, it could be seen as an affront to the voters who elected her. Elected officials must be treated with respect and dignity, regardless of their political affiliations or personal disagreements with leadership. Any action that undermines their ability to fulfill their duties risks eroding public trust in the Senate as an institution.

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*Conclusion: Balancing Authority and Fairness*
While the Senate President’s actions were technically within the bounds of the Senate Standing Orders, the broader context raises significant concerns about fairness, gender equality, and democratic principles. The Senate must strike a balance between enforcing rules and respecting the rights and dignity of its members. If the Senate President’s actions are perceived as targeting female senators or stifling dissent, they risk undermining the legitimacy of the Senate as a democratic institution.

To address these issues, the Senate should consider the following steps:
– Conduct an independent review of the Senate President’s conduct, particularly regarding interactions with female senators.

– Establish clear guidelines to ensure that enforcement of rules is proportionate and respectful.

– Promote gender sensitivity training and initiatives to foster a more inclusive environment.

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– Encourage open dialogue to address grievances and prevent similar incidents in the future.

Ultimately, the Senate’s credibility depends on its ability to uphold both order and fairness, ensuring that all members, regardless of gender or political affiliation, are treated with respect and dignity.

Sunny Anderson Osiebe
Executive Director
HallowMace Foundation Africa

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Opinion

*A CASE FOR “AMOTEKUN CORPS” IN KOGI WEST*

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*By Tunde Olusunle*

It had festered for long. The wanton trespass, the emboldened criminality, the mindless murders, the reckless disruption of the rhythm of day-to-day activities of several communities in Nigeria’s South West. Formal and informal intelligence, fingered voyaging Fulani herdsmen as prime perpetrators of the crimson regime upon the Yoruba hemisphere. The pastoralists herded their cattle from the nation’s north, down south. They fed and fattened their livestock on farmlands owned by landowners, with unbelievable impunity. Aboriginal dissenters to such roughshod rides through their sweat-grown farms, were often sent to early graves. Luckier escapees, most times left with scars to last a lifetime. To confirm that they were on a mission to destroy, maim and murder, they moved around with deadly machetes and sophisticated weapons, beyond regular arms admissible for self protection, as they rampaged through the zone.

Beyond farmlands in the recesses of the Yoruba country, kidnappers, armed robbers and killers took over and terrorised roads and expressways in the South West, with uncommon boldness. They routinely caused gridlocks on roads like the all-important Sagamu-Ore-Benin highway, in the discharge of their criminal ventures. They would move from vehicle to vehicle dispossessing commuters of their belongings and shooting at random, killing the hapless. They abducted travellers and would subsequently request for ransoms from the families of their victims. At other times, they just murdered their victims like they did to Olufunke Olakunrin, daughter of the respected Yoruba leader, Reuben Fasoranti, on the same road under reference, in June 2019. Fortuitously, her killers were found, prosecuted and sentenced to death three years later.

Governors of the South West states, unanimously afflicted by this scourge, agreed in January 2020, to establish in their various states, a security outfit to be known as *Amotekun.* A Yoruba word, *Amotekun* means “cheetah.” The animal is a member of the global “big cat” family in the animal kingdom, which are apex predators. Creatures in this bracket which include lions, tigers, leopards, jaguars, are famous for stealth, speed and precision in preying on their targets. All six states in the region: Lagos, Ogun, Oyo, Osun, Ondo and Ekiti, signed up for this initiative, which was driven from the very top by the governors of each state. The South West states are famous for their historical collaboration on issues of the socioeconomic wellbeing of their states and people. The *Amotekun* concept is emplaced as a homegrown complement to the endeavours of existing intelligence and security organisations, in securing lives and property. It is not a rival, but a partner with preexisting agencies in the intelligence and security ecosystem. This typically consists of the military, the police, the Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps, (NSCDC) and the Department of State Services, (DSS).

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Across the six South West states, *Amotekun* is charged primarily to protect persons, property and carry out emergency response services. The Corps systematically gathers, documents, evaluates and analyses data and information to convert to actionable intelligence for tactical, operational and strategic goals. It shares intelligence about crime in progress; suspicious activities, criminal suspects and other criminal activities. *Amotekun* collaborates with similar security agencies including but not limited to Lagos, Ogun, Oyo, Osun, Ondo and Ekiti states in deterring kidnapping, terrorism, disruption of livelihood, criminal damage to property, cultism, highway robbery and other criminal activities. It ensures that all persons travelling along highways, major roads, remote areas, hinterlands and forests are free to engage in their normal activities without fear or hindrance. *Amotekun* also assists the police in carrying out any other lawful activity aimed at maintaining law and order within their areas of jurisdiction. The operational ambit of the Corps could indeed be broader.

Since the enthronement of *Amotekun* in the six core Yoruba states five years ago, the organisation has complement the enterprise of statutory security outfits in notable measure. It has foiled robberies, disrupted kidnappings, stemmed open-ended trespass and destruction of farms by marauding herdsmen, and rescued potential victims and casualties of criminal schemes. As recently as Sunday February 15, 2025, *Amotekun* foiled a robbery on the notorious Sagamu- Odogbolu- Ijebu Ode, on the Lagos-Sagamu-Ore-Benin expressway. One of the suspects was neutralised, while a second one was arrested during a gun duel. The suspect arrested led *Amotekun* operatives to the hideout of the gang, where another suspect who had earlier fled during the gun duel, took refuge. Just last week, February 10, 2025, the Ondo State Command of the Corps rescued five victims of a kidnapping episode on the ever recurring Benin- Owo road. Such is the serially documented efficacy of *Amotekun* in its various theatres of operation.

Worthy of note is the fact that the topmost echelons of *Amotekun* leadership across the South West, are very senior retired military and police officers, not below the ranks of retired Brigadier-General or Assistant Inspector General of Police, (AIG). The Oyo State outfit for instance is headed by Brigadier-General Kunle Togun, while the Ogun State formation is led by Brigadier-General Alade Adedigba. The Chairman of the Osun State variant is AIG Wale Abbas, while Brigadier-General Olu Adewa leads the Ekiti State *Amotekun* command. This underscores the seriousness with which the outfit is organised and deployed. Our reservoir of ex-servicemen in our communities, local hunters, vigilantes and youths can constitute the core of the operatives.

Recent criminal incidents in the the Okun country in Kogi State and Kogi West senatorial district at large, compels a proposition for the establishment of an *Amotekun* detachment in the zone. Like its kith and kin in core Western Nigeria, Okunland has been the butt of several violations by a broad canvas of criminals. Daredevil armed robbers have invaded Okun communities, targeting banks and murdering regular folk. Kidnappers perennially lay siege on lonely stretches of the dilapidated road networks in Okunland, killing innocents and taking hostages in kidnap- for- ransom incidents. On May 2, 2021, Solomon Adegbayo a Commissioner in the Kogi State Pensions Board was killed in the same incident in which the Chairman of Yagba West local government area at the time, Pius Kolawole, was kidnapped.

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Last December, Alaba Ope, the Councillor representing Odo-Ape Ward in Kabba-Bunu local government area, and eight others, were kidnapped in a midnight operation by brigands. An Abuja-bound commuter bus from Lagos, carrying 18 passengers, was also in December 2024, intercepted around Obajana in Okunland and all the occupants abducted. The kidnappers placed a N100 million ransom on their victims. Should we mention the travails of subsistence farmers in Okunland and Kogi West who in several instances have literally been barred from their farmlands in their homelands by scurrilous criminal elements masquerading as herders? This has been the collective experience of the genetically peace-loving people of Kogi West District.

The people of the geopolitical span under interrogation, have not exactly thrown up their hands in despair in their worrying circumstances. Hunters and vigilantes despite their constrained training and arming, are usually on the front foot combing the forests and thickets. Following attacks on three commercial banks located in Egbe and Odo-Ere in Yagba West just before Christmas in 2021, for instance, Okun hunters and vigilantes entered the forests and indeed arrested a few of the culprits who missed their ways after the dastardly operation. Indeed, early June 2024, Okun vigilantes and hunters joined the army, police, DSS and NSCDC, in raiding the camps of kidnappers in the forest of Yagba West, in an operation which lasted for several days. Yagba West shares boundaries with Kwara, Niger and Ekiti states which makes it specifically vulnerable to criminal incursions.

Several other communities and councils in Kogi West, share abutments with neighbouring states which makes them vulnerable. Disturbed by the unabating recurrence of multifaceted criminality in Okunland which dominates six of the seven local government areas in Kogi West, Sunday Karimi, the Senator representing the District, singularly undertook the construction of a *Forward Operating Base,* (FOB) in Egbe, last year. The fully furnished mini-barracks which is capable of hosting two units of military personnel, was commissioned last October. It has since been taken over and operationalised by the Nigerian Army. To underscore his concurrence with Karimi’s bold initiative, the Member Representing Yagba federal constituency in the House of Representatives, Leke Joseph Abejide, participated at the inauguration and handing over event.

Given the dynamism of crime and criminality, containment and mitigation strategies must also of necessity be proactive. As an essential component of the global Yoruba country, as a people and senatorial district which share boundaries with two geopolitical subscribers to the *Amotekun* concept, notably Ondo and Ekiti states, there is no better time to adapt the prototype in Kogi West and in Okunland. The template may be available on the internet or can be obtained from one of the present six participating states. While it is true that whole states, and not sections or parts of states are subscribers to the philosophy elsewhere, there must be a way to adapt the template for Kogi West. As a people, we know where our shoes presently pinch us.

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At the recent maiden annual lecture of the National Institute for Security Studies, (NISS), the Director-General of the Department of State Services, (DSS), Oluwatosin Ajayi, noted that “communities should be empowered to serve as the first line of defence in tackling criminality.” According to him, they must lead the way “before the intervention of the police, the military and other security agencies.” Ajayi noted that “some level of armament must be allowed at the level of communities, so they can serve as the first layer of defence.” He cited examples from *Tafawa Balewa* and *Bogoro communities* in Bauchi State where he previously served, as places where the antics of marauders were successfully repelled. He indeed alluded to his community back home in Ogun State as one which he is guiding to stand up for itself in the face of adversity. This gifts us a perfect window to explore, for the setting up of a *Kogi West/Okunland Amotekun Corps.*

The people of Kogi West trust their Senator, Sunday Karimi, to pick up the gauntlet and rally his colleagues, namely Leke Abejide, Idris Salman and Danladi Suleiman Aguye, representing Yagba, Kabba-Bunu/Ijumu and Lokoja/Kotonkarfe, respectively, to articulate this proposal.

Representatives of state constituencies in Kogi West in the Kogi State House of Assembly, (KGHA), and Chairmen of local government areas in the district, must of necessity be an integral part of this concept. Very happily, the federal government now directly credits the accounts of local government authorities with their dues which allows room for targeted fiscal flexibility. Budgets have to be drawn up to accommodate the needs and remuneration of *Amotekun* operatives. Elsewhere, they are properly kitted with uniforms, footwears and bulletproof vests. They are well armed and enabled with ample quantities of ammunition, and are duly remunerated and provided with serviceable patrol and operational vehicles. They undergo drills to keep in shape and ready. Let’s imagine just how better improved the security situation in Kogi West will be if 100 *Amotekun* corps members are added to the existing security capacity of each LGA. This comes to a total of 700 additional crime fighters in the zone. Criminals will definitely have a rethink before daring their potential Waterloo.

*Tunde Olusunle, PhD, Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA), is an Adjunct Professor of Creative Writing at the University of Abuja*

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Opinion

*BINANCE EXECUTIVE, NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF NIGERIA AND THE REST OF US*

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By Yemi Itodo

Some people want us to believe what the Binance Executive said, simply because he’s a white man. That’s mental slavery!

There’s no magic on earth that would make me believe an outsider more than my own brother, until the matter is proven beyond every reasonable doubt.

How do I trust or choose a man whose background I don’t even know; someone who is being tried for defrauding Nigerians; accused of being used to finance terrorism in Nigeria; someone who escaped from the prison, despite the sophisticated apparatus of our security; above my own brother, whose background I know, who grew up with me and who we all went out in 2023, to queue behind him and elected him to represent us?

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Beyond this, the institution of National Assembly is the only democracy legacy and an emblem of true democracy. Because, during the military regime, there was Executive and Judiciary as arms of government, the only difference is the absence of Legislative arm of government which is National Assembly, which makes this government a democratic government.

Then, one white Man who is already known for fraud internationally, will just come out to make spurious, sweepy and unsubstantiated allegation against our cherished symbol of democracy, and I would join him to rubbish my own identity?

I’m not standing in for anyone and I’m not exonerating anybody. I would even prefer the National Assembly set up an ad-hoc committee to thoroughly investigate this allegation and unearth whatever it is.

I’m happy the matter is already in court. I’m also happy the Federal Government is handling it with the American Government and this will lead to a successful conclusion of investigations.

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Let all hands be on deck. Let the National Assembly too set up an ad-hoc committee, so we would be having both the executive, legislature and judiciary handling this weighty allegation.

Until the reports of these investigations are out, those accused remain innocent, until the guy man advances evidences against them at various panels to prove them guilty.

Let us not be too quick to crucify our own. Let us not contribute to the mantra being sponsored by enemies of Nigeria that we are all corrupt. At least, not everybody. Let’s learn how to trust ourselves, for once.

Let me submit by warning those who want to make political capital out of this or use this avenue to settle personal scores, to think twice before selling their own to outsiders. For when you sell your brother to outsiders, even the buyers will be scared of you.

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If crocodile could not spare its own eggs but eats it, what would it not do to the flesh of another animal? Remember, he who trades in gravels, will receive his payments in stones.

*(Itodo contributes this short piece from National Assembly, Abuja).*

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