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How Obasanjo and Buhari embarrased Nigeria in Paris

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By Kayode Sanni-Arewa

Nigeria must have set another undesirable record at the International Chamber of Commerce, ICC, Paris, France, “in connection with the $2.3 billion arbitration proceedings filed against Nigeria by Sunrise Power over an alleged breach of contract by the federal government.”

The panel of arbitrators must have been embarrassed for Nigeria; because, it is quite possible that they have never had testifying before them one former President on account of a nation’s alleged breach of contract. Here was Nigeria dragging in two old men, former Presidents, who got their poor country into $2.3 billion hot water.

The first question obviously is: did Obasanjo and Buhari, individually and collectively, feel embarrassed to be sitting in front of the panel of arbitrators?

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Let’s face it. There are some situations in which a honourable person, not to talk of a former President, should not find himself in public. For God’s sake, this is N3.68 trillion contingent liability to which Nigeria is exposed by the two former Presidents. And, they returned, without briefing the people whose funds they were about to throw away; as if nothing happened. The truth is; a lot might have happened. If the panel delivers a verdict against Nigeria, up to $2.3 billion, Nigerian assets everywhere in the world can be seized – including the Presidential jet

Every country has the government it deserves”. John de Maistre, 1753-1821.

Somebody else had warned that the people must be prepared for the punishment that results from choosing bad leaders. That, notwithstanding, is this leadership?

What have Nigerians done to deserve this sort of thing? The worst part of the whole thing lies in the fact that the two of them will get away with this act against the poor people of Nigeria.

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Both of them being unrepentantly self-righteous will still continue to condemn corruption; as if what brought the nation to this dangerous situation was not ultimate corruption of administrative and legal processes under their governments. Like a lot of the problems facing us now in Nigeria, this one also had its origins in Obasanjo’s government, 1999-2007. Those old enough, as well as those with any sort of memory, would recollect that Obasanjo collected $13-16 billion with the stated intention to increase the nation’s power supply to 10,000MW per day by the time he left office in 2007.

His Minister of Power was Engineer Lyel Imoke. How and why a major contract, – worth $6 billion and expected to generate 3,050MW from a hydropower station situated at the Manbilla Plateau, Taraba State, was assigned to the Minister of State, our brother, Dr Olu Agunlove remains a mystery. Today, that behemoth is perhaps the biggest abandoned project in Nigeria; and it might soon set Nigeria back by N3.68 trillion. It has already sent us retro walking into the dark ages.

The original mess-up started between Obasanjo and Agunloye. After initially approving the contract, the ex-President, for reasons known to him, changed his mind and wanted the contract voided. Agunlove has since then been claiming that he received no instructions to stop it and went ahead to authorise Sunrise to proceed, only for the FG to stop it. You don’t have to be an authority on office procedures to realise that something must be fundamentally wrong and questionable in the way the President and Minister handled the matter. In my 52 years working in various organisations, 36 as staff reporting to superiors and sixteen as the Chief Executive Officer, CEO, I have been involved in situations in which instructions and approvals to commit organisation’s funds had later been rescinded by my superior officer.

Thank God, in my MBA course in Boston, it was drilled into our heads that whether issuing or receiving instructions to commit funds, a written memorandum must be sent and received. And, if the original decision is voided or altered, another memo must follow. Obasanjo, in an interview with The Cable in 2023, reportedly said that, “If a commission of inquiry is set up today to investigate the matter, I am ready to testify.” That, to me, is a classic case of medicine after death. All he needed to do all along to exonerate himself was to produce the written authority to proceed with the project and the second one asking Agunlove to stop it.

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In one case during my career, my supervisor had instructed me, on phone, to raise a Local Purchase Order, LPO, to be issued to a company. I countered by requesting for the instruction in writing. He called to ask if I was questioning his authority. I sent another memo apologising; while stressing that I will carry out his instructions to the fullest. Six months later, the External Auditors pounced on the LPO; discovered that not only were the prices highly inflated, but, the LPO was issued to an unregistered company.

As the originator of the LPO, I was the first person issued a query. A panel had been set up to look into all the questionable expenditures.

My session lasted less than five minutes. I just presented the two memos between my boss and me. That was the end of the story, as far as I was concerned. My boss faced the music alone.

Given Obasanjo’s lengthy experience in government, starting with being appointed a Federal Commissioner (Minister) under Gowon to becoming Chief of General Staff, CGS, under Murtala, to Military Head of State and finally civilian President, it is shocking that orders issued on vital matters that must be obeyed by subordinates were not issued in writing. By the same token, it is alarming that Dr Agunlove could not also support his claims with written evidence.

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Presidents Yar’Adua and Jonathan and their Attorney Generals and Ministers of Power committed unforgivable blunders by allowing the hot potato which Obasanjo and Agunlove left on the stove to remain there. Nigeria’s liabilities would not have been up to 25 per cent what it is now – if it was settled during those eight years.

Buhari, whose government eventually terminated the contract, had no choice over the matter.

His only mistake was procrastination which escalated the possible penalty.

To be quite candid, the panel of arbitrators must be shaking their heads; wondering how a nation with Nigeria’s abundant manpower could have been governed by such leaders.

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Obasanjo once described late Chief Bola Ige, SAN, who served as his first Minister of Power and Steel; and failed as somebody who did not know his right hand from his left. It is doubtful if Obasanjo knew that he had hands at all and what to do with them.

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Political Earthquake in Zamfara as Eight APC Lawmakers Quit Party, Reportedly Eye Wike-Backed Rainbow Coalition

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A major political shake-up has hit Zamfara State ahead of the 2027 general elections, following the defection of eight members of the State House of Assembly from the All Progressives Congress (APC), in a move that could reshape the political landscape of the state.

The lawmakers announced their resignation from the APC during plenary at the Zamfara State House of Assembly in Gusau, the state capital.

The defectors represent Mafara South, Maradun One, Bakura, Bukkuyum North, Gummi One, Bungudu North, Maru North and Kaura constituencies.

Their departure marks a significant blow to the APC’s strength in the state legislature, coming amid growing political realignments as politicians and party leaders intensify manoeuvres ahead of the 2027 elections.

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Although the lawmakers have yet to officially announce their next political destination, sources within the Assembly suggest they are likely to join the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), which currently controls the Zamfara State Government.

There are also indications that the defectors may align with the broader political movement associated with the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, and his Rainbow Coalition. However, the lawmakers have not publicly confirmed any formal alliance with the group.

With 24 members, the Zamfara State House of Assembly could witness a significant shift in its political balance following the exit of eight lawmakers, representing one-third of its total membership.

The development adds to the growing wave of political defections and behind-the-scenes negotiations across the country as political actors begin positioning themselves for the 2027 general elections.

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The latest move could also trigger further political calculations within Zamfara, particularly as rival parties seek to strengthen their influence ahead of the next electoral cycle.

As of press time, the Zamfara State chapter of the APC had yet to issue an official statement on the lawmakers’ resignation or the possible political implications of their departure.

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Five nabbed for allegedly destroying Tinubu’s posters in Kano

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The Kano State Police Command has arrested five people for allegedly damaging billboards and posters of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf and other politicians in the state.

The Commissioner of Police, Ibrahim Adamu Bakori, disclosed this while answering questions from journalists on security measures and the enforcement of the ban on public horse-riding in Kano.

Bakori said the suspects were arrested following investigations into the destruction of properties during tensions surrounding horse-riding and public processions in the state.

He said investigations had been concluded and the suspects had been charged to court, adding that the command would continue to take legal action against anyone found to have committed offences capable of threatening public peace.

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The arrests followed a public outing by the Emir of Kano, Aminu Ado Bayero, on Sunday.

The commissioner said reports indicated that some of those accompanying the emir allegedly destroyed posters and billboards belonging to President Tinubu, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf and other politicians.

He said the incident further heightened tensions amid the lingering Kano Emirate dispute.

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Tinubu’s lawyers agree there are errors in U.S. Court filing on 1990s drug probe, demand amendment

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President Bola Tinubu’s legal team has acknowledged factual and drafting errors in an earlier court filing in the United States concerning records of a decades-old narcotics investigation, asking a federal judge for permission to correct the disputed passages while maintaining its original legal arguments.

The development emerged from a motion filed on October 1, 2026, before the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia in an ongoing Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) lawsuit instituted by American transparency activist Aaron Greenspan.

The case, Greenspan v. Executive Office for U.S. Attorneys et al., Civil Action No. 23-1816 (BAH), centres on Greenspan’s efforts to compel U.S. government agencies to release records relating to Tinubu and an investigation dating back to the late 1980s and early 1990s.

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In the motion titled “Motion to Amend Response Brief [DE 98],” Tinubu’s lawyers asked the court to authorise the replacement of their earlier response to Greenspan’s motion for summary judgment, citing errors in Part 1.c of the original filing.

The legal team admitted that the disputed section contained incorrect references to the year 1993, Tinubu’s public office and a comparison involving student enrolment.

According to the lawyers, their central argument was that the investigative events between 1988 and 1992 occurred decades before Tinubu was elected President of Nigeria.

However, they conceded that the argument had been presented “inadequately and incorrectly” in relation to the references to public office and 1993.

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The lawyers also acknowledged a separate mistake in a comparison between the age of the investigative records and a student-enrolment event, explaining that the enrolment event had actually occurred before the historical events under discussion.

“Both issues occurred during the drafting and revising process by the undersigned counsel, occurred unintendedly, and were not found and edited prior to filing,” the motion stated.

They further disclosed that Greenspan had identified both errors in his subsequent reply to the earlier court submission.

Despite admitting the mistakes, Tinubu’s legal representatives insisted that the corrections would not alter the substance of their defence.

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“In the proposed amended response, the substance of the argument in part 1.c remains unchanged,” they stated.

Their position is that Tinubu’s privacy interests in records concerning events from decades ago should remain protected, notwithstanding his subsequent emergence as Nigeria’s president.

The legal team also informed the court that it had consulted Greenspan and his lawyers about the proposed corrections before submitting the motion.

According to the filing, Greenspan did not oppose the correction of the brief, paving the way for the request to be considered without opposition from the plaintiff.

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Tinubu’s lawyers consequently urged the court to permit the amended response to replace the earlier filing, identified as Document 98. They also submitted a proposed order for the judge’s consideration.

However, the attached order was clearly marked as a proposed document and contained a blank space for the judge’s signature. The filing therefore does not establish that the court had approved the request as of the date of submission.

The amended response also reiterates Tinubu’s opposition to Greenspan’s demand for additional records from the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA).

Among other arguments, the President’s lawyers contend that the disputed information is protected under the law-enforcement privacy exemption of the Freedom of Information Act and the Privacy Act.

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They maintain that the records concern events that took place long before Tinubu assumed the presidency and argue that his current position does not automatically extinguish his privacy rights.

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