Opinion
Why Nigeria needs thousands more certified procurement professionals, By Sufuyan Ojeifo
- /home/naijuinz/public_html/wp-content/plugins/mvp-social-buttons/mvp-social-buttons.php on line 27
https://naijablitznews.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/05/220a4f85-f10e-4138-bfc6-a75ea6ba1953-1000x600.jpeg&description=Why Nigeria needs thousands more certified procurement professionals, By Sufuyan Ojeifo', 'pinterestShare', 'width=750,height=350'); return false;" title="Pin This Post">
- Share
- Tweet /home/naijuinz/public_html/wp-content/plugins/mvp-social-buttons/mvp-social-buttons.php on line 72
https://naijablitznews.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/05/220a4f85-f10e-4138-bfc6-a75ea6ba1953-1000x600.jpeg&description=Why Nigeria needs thousands more certified procurement professionals, By Sufuyan Ojeifo', 'pinterestShare', 'width=750,height=350'); return false;" title="Pin This Post">
Public procurement lies at the heart of governance. It is the bridge between policy intent and public impact. When procurement fails, roads crumble before completion, hospitals remain unequipped, and classrooms stand empty despite billions spent on construction.
In Nigeria, where procurement accounts for nearly 30 per cent of the national budget, typically over $30 billion annually, this is not merely a procedural concern. It is a make or break determinant of national development.
As the Director-General of the Bureau of Public Procurement (BPP), Dr Adebowale Adedokun, has repeatedly made clear, Nigeria is confronting a silent but urgent crisis in this critical sector. Across Ministries, Departments, and Agencies (MDAs), procurement responsibilities are still handled by personnel who are often overburdened and undertrained. Many have not been exposed to modern procurement methods, let alone equipped to lead reforms in an increasingly digitised and globally benchmarked environment. The consequences are visible all around us.
According to the BPP Audit 2024, 63 per cent of federal contracts miss their delivery deadlines. The Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (NEITI) estimates that ₦4.1 trillion has been lost to inflated contracts since 2020. A NOIPolls survey conducted in early 2025 further showed that only 22 per cent of Nigerians believe procurement processes are conducted transparently.
This is not merely a question of capacity. It is a question of credibility. Without professionals capable of navigating today’s procurement complexities, ranging from environmental compliance to digital tendering, Nigeria risks slowing reform while simultaneously deepening public distrust.
To appreciate the scale of the challenge, one only needs to consider the Abuja-Lokoja Highway. The project reportedly required redesigning at an additional cost of ₦217 billion because of poor contract supervision. That is only one example among many. World Bank estimates suggest that a one per cent reduction in procurement inefficiency could save Nigeria as much as ₦900 billion annually. That is not a rounding error. It is a national opportunity.
The Sustainable Procurement, Environmental and Social Standards Enhancement (SPESSE) Project was designed to take that opportunity. Supported by the World Bank and the sustainable procurement node driven by the BPP, SPESSE represents Nigeria’s most ambitious response yet to the country’s procurement skills deficit.
The SPESSE baseline survey exposed troubling gaps. About 71 per cent of procurement officers lacked competence in e-procurement tools. Only 18 per cent of MDAs conducted environmental impact assessments before awarding major contracts. Worse still, 43 per cent of awarded contracts reportedly failed to comply with competitive bidding requirements under the Public Procurement Act.
To confront these realities directly, the SPESSE project established six Centres of Excellence hosted by six Nigerian universities: the University of Lagos, the University of Benin, Ahmadu Bello University, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University, the Federal University of Agriculture, Makurdi, and the Federal University of Technology, Owerri.
These centres are not ceremonial additions to the academic landscape. They are practical engines of reform. Their programmes range from short professional courses for officers already in service to master’s degrees in procurement science and executive programmes tailored for senior decision makers.
The curriculum itself reflects the demands of modern governance. Contract management courses are reinforced with AI driven simulations. Environmental and Social Governance (ESG) compliance is taught through World Bank Environmental and Social Framework case studies. Procurement data analytics includes practical training using platforms such as the National Open Contracting Portal (NOCOPO). This is not theoretical instruction. It is professional preparation for a rapidly evolving governance environment.
The impact is already beginning to emerge. More than 4,000 procurement specialists are expected to receive full certification by 2027, while another 21,000 personnel will benefit from structured training programmes. At the same time, an estimated 12,000 new jobs could emerge across procurement auditing, ESG compliance, and digital contract administration. SPESSE is, therefore, not only a capacity building intervention, it is also a potential employment pipeline.
The challenge now is clear. Nigeria finally has a funded and operational response to a problem that has crippled public sector efficiency for decades. But unless government acts decisively to support and scale the initiative, the opportunity could once again be squandered.
That is why the Director-General of the BPP has called on the Executive to ring fence budgets for annual MDA training quotas and to make professional certification mandatory for procurement officers by 2026. He has also urged the National Assembly to consider strategic amendments to the Public Procurement Act, including procurement licensing requirements and a dedicated annual five per cent training allocation within MDA budgets.
Because procurement reform is central to the Renewed Hope Agenda of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Nigeria’s development partners also have an important role to play. This is the moment to deepen support for procurement education and institutional reform. Scholarships can help extend procurement education to officers in underserved and rural areas. Global best practice tools such as the Open Contracting Data Standard can also be deployed more extensively.
More importantly, Nigeria has an opportunity to build a generation of procurement professionals capable of competing with their peers in countries such as Rwanda, Morocco, and Vietnam, where certification rates are significantly higher and e-procurement systems are far more advanced.
Naturally, some concerns have emerged around the implications of mandatory certification. Some public servants fear that new standards may threaten existing jobs. The BPP, however, appears conscious of this anxiety and has adopted what it describes as an inclusive transition strategy. Through reskilling programmes, mentoring frameworks, and incentives for early adopters, the agency hopes to transform resistance into opportunity. As highlighted during the Director-General’s June 2025 engagement with the Association of Public Procurement Practitioners, this change management approach is central to the implementation plan.
Citizens, too, have a role to play. Through platforms such as NOCOPO, Nigerians can monitor procurement projects in real time, report irregularities through digital channels, and hold institutions accountable. Transparency is not merely a government obligation. It is a democratic right.
During a recent visit to the Lagos-Ibadan rail corridor, an engineer reportedly remarked to the BPP Director-General: “We cannot build 21st century infrastructure with 20th century procurement.”
That observation captures the issue perfectly.
Procurement is no longer a back office administrative function. It is now a frontline instrument of economic development, institutional credibility, and public trust. SPESSE is, therefore, not just about training individuals. It is about building a culture in which procurement excellence becomes part of Nigeria’s governance identity.
The cost of inaction will be severe: more abandoned projects, more waste, more delays, and deeper public cynicism. But the rewards of getting it right are equally enormous: better roads, smarter schools, properly equipped hospitals, and citizens who can finally see tangible value for every naira spent by government.
The time for hesitation has passed. Nigeria cannot afford to postpone the future of a modern, digitally enabled, citizen responsive procurement system. The country must now commit itself to building the talent, systems, and standards required for serious national development.
■ Sufuyan Ojeifo is a journalist, publisher, and communication consultant.
Opinion
Senate Rule Amendment: Why the debate should be about institutional stability, not personalities
By Rt Hon Eseme Eyiboh
The controversy surrounding the recent amendment to the Senate Standing Rules has generated more heat than light. Unfortunately, much of the public conversation has been framed around personalities rather than principles, and emotions rather than institutional logic. Yet the real issue before the Senate is neither about Senator Godswill Akpabio nor Senator Adams Oshiomhole. It is about whether legislative institutions should evolve, strengthen themselves, and create continuity mechanisms that deepen parliamentary stability.
Every serious institution in the world periodically reviews its rules, procedures, and qualifications in response to emerging realities. Legislatures are not exempted from this process of institutional self-correction and growth. In fact, the refusal to review procedures in the face of experience is often a sign of stagnation, not democracy.
The recent amendment requiring senators seeking certain presiding and principal offices to possess a minimum level of legislative experience should therefore be viewed through the broader prism of institutional development rather than through narrow political calculations.
Parliamentary leadership is not merely ceremonial. The office of Senate President is one of the most sensitive and technically demanding constitutional offices in Nigeria. It requires not only political popularity but also deep familiarity with parliamentary traditions, legislative procedures, negotiation dynamics, committee systems, constitutional interpretation, and intergovernmental relations. Experience matters.
Around the world, mature legislatures often evolve unwritten and written traditions that favour institutional memory and legislative continuity. Such measures are not necessarily designed to exclude people; they are often intended to preserve stability, reduce avoidable turbulence, and ensure that those entrusted with managing highly sensitive parliamentary processes possess sufficient procedural grounding.
Critics who fear that experience requirements create a closed, self perpetuating oligarchy are not entirely without reason. Many legislatures have, at various points, used procedural thresholds to entrench incumbents rather than protect institutional wisdom. But the answer to that legitimate concern is not to abandon minimum standards altogether. It is to ensure that the bar is set at a reasonable, not prohibitive, level. A requirement of, say, one full term or demonstrated committee leadership is a safeguard against chaos, not a moat against renewal. The Senate must therefore commit to reviewing this threshold periodically, lest a tool of stability calcify into a ceiling on ambition.
Experience without openness becomes arrogance; openness without experience becomes amateurism. The amendment under scrutiny tilts toward the latter’s correction, but it must not be understood as a final word. What truly elevates an institution is not a single rule change but a culture that values both seasoned judgment and fresh perspective. That means pairing experience requirements with transparent mechanisms for advancement, seniority systems that reward competence, not mere longevity, and leadership elections that remain genuinely contested, not coronations.
Seen from this perspective, the amendment is neither unusual nor inherently anti democratic. Rather, it reflects the Senate’s attempt to refine its internal processes based on accumulated experience.
It is therefore inaccurate to reduce the issue to the suggestion that the amendment was crafted merely to “shrink competition” or protect personal interests. Institutions do not become stronger by permanently freezing their rules in time. They grow by learning from experience and adjusting procedures where necessary to protect efficiency, order, and continuity.
Even more problematic is the argument suggesting that because the new qualification threshold did not exist when Senator Godswill Akpabio emerged as Senate President, he should now resign if the new rule is adopted. Such reasoning fundamentally misunderstands one of the oldest principles of jurisprudence and democratic governance: laws are generally prospective, not retroactive.
A law or rule takes effect from the point of enactment forward unless expressly stated otherwise. The amendment cannot logically invalidate a mandate that was legitimately acquired under previously existing rules. Senator Akpabio contested and emerged as Senate President under the constitutional and procedural framework that existed at the time. To argue otherwise would amount to applying today’s standards to yesterday’s circumstances, which is neither legally sustainable nor institutionally rational.
Following that logic, every constitutional amendment would invalidate previous actions taken under earlier provisions, thereby throwing governance into perpetual instability.
What should matter now is whether the amendment serves the long term interest of the institution. That is the proper question, not whether it benefits or disadvantages any single individual in the immediate moment.
Interestingly, many of the world’s strongest democratic institutions evolved precisely through incremental procedural reforms. Rules governing tenure, committee leadership, succession, seniority, and qualification standards were not static from inception; they emerged through continuous refinement driven by practical governance realities.
It is also important to note that continuity in leadership structures is not necessarily an enemy of democracy. Stability can strengthen democracy when balanced with fairness and openness. A legislature perpetually trapped in leadership uncertainty, procedural inexperience, and internal volatility weakens not only itself but the democratic process as a whole.
Every rule amendment asks the same underlying question: whom does the institution trust to lead it? When a legislature decides that a Senate President should have served a minimum period as a legislator, it is making a quiet but profound statement about the nature of political authority. It is saying that raw popularity or executive favour is not enough, that the stewardship of a co equal branch requires earned familiarity with its rhythms and restraints. That is not elitism. It is institutional self respect. And in a democracy, institutions that do not respect themselves are unlikely to be respected by the public they serve.
This is why the current debate should rise above personal disagreements or chamber theatrics. Nigerians expect lawmakers to approach institutional reforms with intellectual honesty and statesmanship rather than framing every procedural amendment through the lens of political rivalry.
Senator Adams Oshiomhole is entitled to his views, as every senator is. Debate is healthy in democracy. Dissent is legitimate. However, the conversation should be anchored on whether the amendment strengthens the Senate as an enduring institution, not whether it immediately advances or obstructs the ambitions of specific politicians.
Ultimately, institutions outlive individuals. Senate Presidents will come and go. Senators will rise and fall. But the rules and traditions established today may shape legislative stability for decades to come.
That is why this matter deserves to be viewed not through the narrow window of self interest, but through the wider lens of institutional maturity, continuity, and the long term health of Nigeria’s parliamentary democracy.
Experience matters.
Rt Hon Eseme Eyiboh, mnipr, is a former member and spokesperson of the House of Representatives and currently Special Adviser on Media/Publicity and Official Spokesperson to the President of the Senate.
Opinion
From Abuja to the World: The Insecurity Triad and Rise of the Independent African Scholar
From Abuja to the World: The Insecurity Triad and Rise of the Independent African Scholar
By Max Amuchie
There are moments when an idea moves beyond commentary and begins entering systems.
The week that just ended was one of those moments.
Within the span of days, The Insecurity Triad experienced three separate but interconnected breakthroughs.
First came the Brussels intervention, last Sunday via an Op-ed piece in BusinessDay by hugely respected Collins Nweke, where the framework was interpreted within a European geopolitical context as an explanatory model for Sahel instability and its implications for Europe’s own strategic future.
Second came its consolidation into the global scholarly archive through repositories including Academia.edu, Harvard Dataverse, Zenodo, SSRN, OSF, and SocArXiv — six distinct platforms representing the full architecture of contemporary open-access scholarship.
Then came a third development whose symbolism may ultimately prove just as significant: my integration into the ResearchGate ecosystem.
At first glance, this may appear procedural. Another profile. Another platform. Another account.
But within the architecture of global scholarship, ResearchGate represents something much larger than social networking.
It is one of the world’s largest academic visibility platforms — a digital meeting ground where researchers, scholars, institutions, laboratories, journals, policy specialists, and interdisciplinary thinkers interact within a continuously evolving scholarly network.
To understand why this matters, one must first understand what ResearchGate actually represents in contemporary academic life.
What ResearchGate Really Is
Founded in 2008 by physicians Ijad Madisch and Sören Hofmayer alongside computer scientist Horst Fischbach, ResearchGate emerged as part of a broader transformation in global scholarship: the migration of academic visibility from closed institutional corridors into digital knowledge ecosystems.
Traditionally, scholarly recognition depended heavily on university affiliation, conference access, institutional journals, and physical academic networks.
ResearchGate altered part of that equation.
With over 25 million researchers from 193 countries, it created a platform where research outputs, citations, working papers, datasets, methodological discussions, and scholarly engagement could circulate beyond the limits of geography and institutional hierarchy.
Today, researchers from universities, think-tanks, laboratories, policy institutes, and independent research environments use the platform to upload publications, track citations, share datasets, engage with disciplinary debates, connect with other scholars, and increase discoverability across fields.
In effect, ResearchGate functions as part archive, part visibility engine, and part intellectual networking infrastructure.
And visibility matters in scholarship.
Because ideas do not influence debates merely by existing. They influence debates by becoming discoverable.
The Platforms and What They Represent
The repositories into which The Insecurity Triad has now been archived are not equivalent. Each represents a distinct layer of global scholarly infrastructure.
Academia.edu, with over 250 million registered users, is the world’s largest platform for academic sharing — the first point of entry into the global research conversation for many independent scholars.
Harvard Dataverse is an open-source repository operated by Harvard University, one of the most trusted and widely indexed academic archives in existence. A deposit there is not a symbolic gesture. It is a permanent record.
Zenodo, developed under the European OpenAIRE programme and operated by the European Council for Nuclear Research (CERN), assigns each deposit a Digital Object Identifier — a DOI — making it permanently citable in academic literature worldwide regardless of what happens to any journal or institution that might otherwise have hosted it.
OSF — the Open Science Framework — developed by the US Centre for Open Science, supports the full research lifecycle from planning through archiving and dissemination. It has become a standard for researchers committed to transparency and reproducibility.
SocArXiv is a premier open-access repository designed to ensure that social science research is shared rapidly and transparently.
It serves as a vital bridge between rigorous academic inquiry and the public interest.
It was founded in 2016 by Philip N. Cohen, a distinguished Professor of Sociology at the University of Maryland, College Park with a vision to create a “knowledge commons” that returns power to the scholars themselves.
And SSRN — the US-based Social Science Research Network, owned by Elsevier — is where social science scholarship enters the citation economy. With over one million papers and three million registered users, it is the platform through which working papers reach the global research community before and alongside formal peer review. It is also, notably, where Nobel Economics laureates Joseph Stiglitz, Esther Duflo, and Paul Krugman circulate their working papers — not because they are required to, but because that is where the serious readership is.
Together, these six platforms represent discovery, archiving, citation, networking, and dissemination. A coordinated presence across all six creates an unusually broad discoverability footprint for an independent scholar. For a scholar-journalist working from a newsroom in Abuja, it is extraordinary.
The Scholarly Series
Embedded within the developments of the week just ended is a commitment that deserves to be named directly.
Over the next twelve months, The Insecurity Triad will be developed into a ten-part scholarly series — engaging the framework, the Trinity of State Decay theory, and Sahel security dynamics in full academic register. Not as journalism. Not as commentary. As scholarship.
Part One — The Insecurity Triad (Part 1): Foundations of Convergence and Rival Sovereignty — An Analysis of Money, Land, and Mind (MLM) — has already been published and archived across Academia.edu, Harvard Dataverse, Zenodo, OSF, and SocArXiv, with SSRN forthcoming.
That is the opening instalment of a structured, year-long intellectual undertaking. Nine parts remain.
Why Admission Matters for an Independent Scholar
This is where the significance of these developments becomes clear.
Admission into these global scholarly platforms from outside formal academia carries symbolic and structural weight because it challenges one of the oldest assumptions within global intellectual culture: that legitimate scholarship must originate exclusively from institutional spaces.
For generations, the architecture of scholarship has largely been built around universities as gatekeepers of credibility.
The university conferred identity. The institution supplied legitimacy. The department validated intellectual existence.
But digital scholarly ecosystems are increasingly disrupting that monopoly.
An independent scholar operating from Abuja can now enter the same searchable research environment inhabited by professors in London, policy researchers in Brussels, doctoral candidates in Toronto, and analysts in Pretoria.
That does not erase institutional inequalities. But it narrows intellectual distance.
And that narrowing matters enormously for African thinkers working outside formal academic systems.
The African Reality of Intellectual Production
Across Africa, some of the continent’s most original analytical work often emerges under structurally difficult conditions.
Many researchers operate without university grants, funded research assistants, subscription journal access, institutional methodological support, conference travel funding, or formal research laboratories.
Yet despite these constraints, important ideas continue to emerge.
This is partly because African intellectual production has historically developed through hybrid spaces: journalism, activism, policy observation, civil society, strategic commentary, and independent inquiry.
In many cases, African thinkers are forced to become researchers, archivists, editors, publishers, and distributors simultaneously.
That reality makes entry into global scholarly ecosystems especially important.
Because platforms like Harvard Dataverse, SSRN, ResearchGate and others do more than host publications. They insert researchers into discoverability networks where their work can be found, cited, discussed, questioned, and expanded upon.
For an independent scholar, that visibility is not cosmetic. It is infrastructural.
The Insecurity Triad’s Expanding Scholarly Geography
Taken together, this sequence reveals the expanding geography of the framework’s circulation
The Insecurity Triad is no longer confined to one medium, one geography, or one intellectual ecosystem.
It now exists simultaneously across media discourse, policy interpretation, repository preservation, and scholarly networking systems.
From Abuja’s grounded observation of insecurity dynamics, to Brussels’ geopolitical interpretation of Sahel instability, to integration within global repository and research infrastructures, the framework is beginning to circulate through multiple layers of international knowledge production.
That circulation matters because frameworks gain strength through repeated engagement across different environments.
Some will critique it. Others will refine it. Some may reject aspects of it. Others may adapt it to new contexts.
But circulation itself is the beginning of intellectual life.
Beyond Personal Achievement
It is tempting to read these developments purely as personal achievement.
That would be too narrow.
What makes this moment significant is what it signals for African media institutions, independent scholars, and emerging researchers across the continent who operate outside traditional academic pathways.
It suggests that the global knowledge system — while still unequal — is becoming more permeable.
An idea no longer needs to begin at Oxford, Harvard, or Sciences Po before it can enter international circulation.
It can begin in Abuja.
It can emerge from a newsroom. From a scholar-journalist’s research desk. From a media-backed analytical unit. From a self-funded intellectual project.
And if sufficiently coherent, persistent, and discoverable, it can travel.
The Deeper Meaning of This Convergence
Perhaps the most important lesson of this moment is not institutional.
It is psychological.
For many African thinkers, the greatest barrier has often not been intelligence or originality, but proximity to recognised systems of validation.
The old model suggested: first secure institutional acceptance, then produce ideas.
The emerging reality increasingly suggests the reverse: produce durable ideas, and institutions may eventually begin to engage them.
That is the quiet significance of last week.
From Brussels to ResearchGate, from repositories to scholarly circulation, The Insecurity Triad is beginning to move through systems that were historically difficult for independent African frameworks to enter.
Not as charity. Not as symbolic inclusion. But through interpretive engagement.
And in the evolving geography of global scholarship, that distinction changes everything.
Interlude
In the last eight or nine weeks, this column has birthed The Insecurity Triad, defined its architecture, examined its dynamics, and from there developed the Trinity of State Decay theory. There is still much more to explore.
But next week, we step briefly away from the Triad and the Trinity to pay tribute to one of the outstanding intellectual giants of twentieth-century Africa.
Thirty years after his passing, Claude Ake remains profoundly missed.
Trust Is Sacred. Stay seasoned.
•Dr. Max Amuchie is the CEO of Sundiata Post and architect of The Insecurity Triad Analytical Framework, and the Trinity of State Decay theory. He writes The Sunday Stew, a weekly syndicated column on faith, character, and the forces that shape society, with a focus on Nigeria and Africa in a global context.
X — @MaxAmuchie | Email: max.a@sundiatapost.com | Tel: +234(0)8053069436

Opinion
At the helm of reform: Birthday reflections on Adebowale Adedokun, By Sufuyan Ojeifo
Nigeria doesn’t lack policies. It lacks people who can make them stick. That’s where Dr. Adebowale A. Adedokun comes in.
Appointed Director-General of the Bureau of Public Procurement, BPP, in November 2024 by President Bola Tinubu, Adedokun isn’t an outsider parachuted in for optics. He’s been in the BPP since day one, rising from pioneer staff member to Director of Research, Training and Strategic Planning before taking the top job. Twenty-plus years inside the system means he knows exactly where the leaks are.
And he’s been plugging them.
-From insider to reformer-
Adedokun holds a PhD in Procurement and Supply Chain Management plus four master’s degrees covering procurement, finance, technology, and transport. That mix of academic depth and hands-on experience is rare in public service.
Since taking charge, he’s pushed reforms that move beyond press releases. The BPP has overhauled Standard Bidding Documents to tighten transparency, rolled out a National Debarment Policy, launched Price Intelligence and Benchmarking Systems, and aggressively backed the Nigeria First Policy Framework to give local firms a real shot at public contracts.
-The numbers talk-
According to BPP reports, these changes saved the federal government over ₦1.1 trillion in 2025 alone. Tighter processes, less waste, stricter accountability.
In a country where procurement has often been a pipeline for leakage, that’s not small.
Adedokun has also pushed MDAs to adopt e-submissions for better traceability and built capacity across ministries, departments, and agencies. He’s defended Nigeria’s procurement interests abroad too, earning the “Public Sector Reformer of the Year” nod in 2025.
-Steady, not flashy-
What stands out isn’t grandstanding. It’s consistency. Adedokun rose through the ranks, saw the system’s weak points firsthand, and chose to fix them rather than manage around them.
Public procurement sits at the core of governance. It determines how roads, schools, and hospitals get built, and whether citizens trust the process. When it works, it drives development. When it doesn’t, cynicism grows.
The big question now is sustainability. Can these reforms outlast any single leader and become part of the institution’s DNA? Too early to call. But the early signals are solid.
As Adedokun marks his birthday, the message isn’t just celebration. It’s a reminder of how much heavy lifting public service demands. Nigeria needs more stewards who treat office as responsibility, not theatre.
Right now, the BPP looks like it has one.
Happy Birthday [May 15], Dr. Adebowale A. Adedokun. The work continues. Measured, deliberate, and overdue.
-
News16 hours agoDOCUMENTS: Ward Collated Results Show Prof Ihonvbere Won APC Reps Primaries
-
News16 hours agoFull list: Five Serving APC HoR Members Lose Return Tickets In Cross River
-
News21 hours agoFacts they never told you: ADSC boss, Oluwafemi unveils historical research on crime, drugs, organised violence in South Africa
-
News18 hours agoDekor, Amaewhule, Others Win APC Reps Primaries In Rivers
-
News18 hours agoAfrica’s Unbroken Stand: 53 Nations, One Truth and the Futility of Taiwan’s Diplomatic Illusions
-
News8 hours agoAPC returns 20 Kano Reps through consensus, holds four contested primaries
-
Economy8 hours agoCBN Reforms Drive FX Inflows To $112b, Investors’ Confidence Rises
-
Metro8 hours agoDriver Kills Police Officer On Lagos Third Mainland Bridge
