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State Police: Governors To Appoint Police Commissioners, Bill Lists Conditions For CPs Sacking
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A bill seeking the amendment of the 1999 Constitution to empower governors to appoint state commissioners of police scaled second reading on the floor of the House of Representatives on Tuesday.
In the alteration to the constitution under consideration, a commissioner of police appointed from among the serving policemen in the state will head the proposed state police in a long-awaited move to decentralise the Nigeria Police Force which has failed to address the spiralling security crisis confronting the country.
The country has been under assault by bandits, kidnappers, and other nefarious characters that daily launch violent attacks on citizens, many of whom are kidnapped, killed, or maimed.
Though the police authorities had initiated various security operations and also deployed more operatives across the country to tackle the insecurity, the crime wave had yet to abate as gunmen operated freely in several urban areas and rural communities.
Titled, ‘A Bill for an Act to alter the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 to Provide for Establishment of State Police and Related Matters,’ the bill, sponsored by the Deputy Speaker of the House, Benjamin Kalu, and 14 others, put the police on the concurrent list.
In the 1999 Constitution, policing is on the exclusive legislative List and therefore, under the direct control of the Federal Government.
Leading the debate on the general principles of the bill, the co-sponsor and member representing Ilorin West/Asa Federal Constituency, Tolani Shagaya noted that the primary purpose of government as enshrined in section 14(2)(b) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, is the security and welfare of the citizens.
He added that in the past few years, the nation’s collective security had been greatly challenged, noting that as a result, state police had become inevitable to augment the efforts of the Federal Government to make the country safe for all.
Highlighting some of the key innovations in the proposed alteration bill, he said, “The transfer of police from the exclusive legislative list to the concurrent list, a move that effectively empowers states to have state-controlled policing; the introduction of a comprehensive framework to ensure cohesion as well as accountability and uniform standards between the federal police and state police; the provision of prescribed rigorous safeguards preventing unwarranted interference by the federal police in state police affairs, emphasizing collaboration and intervention only under well-defined circumstances.’’
Shagaya further listed other key provisions of the bill to include the establishment of the state police service commissions as distinct from the Federal Police Service Commission with clearly defined roles and jurisdictions, a re-calibration of the National Police Council to include the chairmen of the state police service commissions, emphasising the collaborative and consultative nature of policing in our federal system.
Other provisions are the recognition of the possible financial challenges that may be faced by state police which would require the Federal Government to provide grants or aid, subject to the approval of the National Assembly, thus ensuring adequate resources for effective policing.
The proposed amendment also provides that the appointment of the state commissioner of police by the governor shall be on the recommendation of the Federal Police Service Commission and the state assembly’s approval.
CP’s removal
However, the CP can be removed by the governor on the recommendation of the Federal Police Service Commission, subject to two-thirds of the state assembly.
Section 215 (4) of the bill provides that, “A state police shall be headed by a commissioner of police who shall be appointed by the governor of the state on the advice of the Federal Police Service Commission from among serving members of the state police subject to confirmation by the state House of Assembly.’’
Section 216 (3) read, “A Commissioner of Police of a state shall only be removed by the governor upon the recommendation of the Federal Police Service Commission praying that he be so removed on the grounds of (a) misconduct in the performance of his official duties (b) breach of policing standards, law, regulation, and code of conduct (c) conviction of any offence involving fraud or dishonesty by a court of law or tribunal and (d) bankruptcy and mental incapacity.’’
It stated that the governor or commissioner under him may give the commissioner of police lawful directive but if considered illegal, the police commissioner may refer the order to the state service commission, which is empowered to take the final decision.
“The governor or such other commissioner of the government of the state as he may authorise on that behalf may give to the commissioner of police such lawful directions concerning the maintenance and securing of public safety and order as he may consider necessary, and the commissioner of police shall comply with those directions or cause them to be complied with.”
Furthermore, the National Assembly shall do certification of the state police service commission bi-annually to make sure it meets national standards.
Section 216 (b) of the bill empowers the state police to bear such arms as may be determined by an Act of the National Assembly.
In all, the proposal contains 18 clauses to alter sections 34, 35, 39, 42, 84, 89 and 129 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as altered).
The bill also seeks to alter sections 153, 197, 214, 215, and 216 as well as Chapter IV Part III, Second Schedule, Part II of the Third Schedule, and Part III of the Third Schedule of the Constitution.
Federal police
In the proposed legislation, section 214 of the Constitution (Establishment of Federal and State Police) is altered to distinguish the federal from the state police.
Section 214 (3a) reads, “The federal police shall be responsible for the maintenance of public security, preservation of public order and security of persons and property throughout the federation to the extent provided for under this Act or by an Act of the National Assembly; and
“(b) be responsible the maintenance of public security, preservation of public order and security of persons and property within a State to the extent that the State has power to make laws under this constitution.’’
Subject to the provisions of the constitution, the bill states that the federal police shall not interfere with the operations of any state police or the internal security affairs of any state except to contain serious threats to public order where it is shown that there is a complete breakdown of law and order within a state and the state police are unable to contain the threat.
The federal police can only intervene where the governor requests their intervention to prevent or contain a breakdown of law and order in the state.
Section 216 (1) of the Constitution was also altered to provide the basis for the removal from office of the Inspector General of Police.
Contributing in support of the bill, Ahmed Jaha representing Damboa, Gwoza/Chibok Federal Constituency, Borno State, stated, “It is not the responsibility of the military to help in the maintenance of internal security. They are involved because of the breakdown of our internal security mechanisms.’’
Also speaking, the member representing Ikorodu Federal Constituency, Lagos State, Babajimi Benson, noted that it is the job of the police to maintain law and order.
According to him, “The about 400, 000 policemen we have today cannot effectively cater for the over 200 million Nigerians. If the 36 states of the federation feel they have the funding, they should be allowed to establish state police provided such is not used to perpetrate political ambitions.’’
Other lawmakers who spoke in support of the bill included Aliyu Madaki (Kano) Ademorin Kuye (Lagos) and Bello Kumo (Gombe).
But the member representing Jibia/Kaita Federal Constituency, Sada Soli, expressed misgivings, citing the financial implication of state police at a time when many states were struggling to meet their financial responsibility to their workforce.
Ex-police commissioner
Speaking on the bill, a former Assistant Inspector General of Police, Ali Amodu, stated that while there were fears about the powers being granted to the governors to have control over the state police, it would strengthen the powers of the judiciary, noting that in the end, the citizens would benefit more from giving control of the police to the states.
He noted, “The constitution even provides that they are the Chief Security Officers of their states. If they should have control over the police, the judiciary will be so strengthened that if the governor wants to use the police against his opponents, his opponents will go to court and seek redress.
“My view is that we should not be afraid, we are having a lot of security challenges today, and we should not be afraid of testing this because it is happening in other countries. But of course, it will need an amendment of the Constitution.’’
Endorsing the control of state police by the governors as proposed by the lawmakers, Amodu said any abuse of the police could be addressed by the court.
“Yes, there is no doubt that there are going to be instances of abuse, but this abuse can be taken care of, if we seek redress in court. We have to experiment with this thing. You will see the advantages and disadvantages of anything you want to experiment with.
“But I say in conclusion that the advantages we are going to have from allowing the states to have control of their police, and provide them with equipment, the citizens tend to benefit more,” he said.
In his contribution, a retired Commissioner of Police, Emmanuel Ojukwu said, “State police or no state police, it is a matter of the constitution. Our constitution says that there shall be only one police force.
“If Nigeria wants to have state police, they should amend the constitution and they should go ahead and create the state police. But right now, every state has police of its own but they are not called police by law. That is why we have Amotekun, etc. If we amend the constitution and allow the state to call them by name, such as Kano State Police, etc, no problem.
“Governors already have these avenues working. A good number of them in the state are armed and licensed by the police to hold arms. If all they want is for state police that have been created to begin to have sophisticated weapons, no problem. It is all Nigeria.
“The Federal Police as of now is not as efficient as it should be because the Federal Government that is funding the police is not giving it what it needs. If the states create their police and give it what it needs, there will not be any problem.”
On its part, the Rivers State Government supported the bill on the state police.
The state Commissioner of Information and Communications, Joseph Johnson, in an interview with one of our correspondents on Tuesday, said the bill would strengthen policing and improve security.
He further said the state Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, was privy to the meeting with the President recently when the issue of state Police dominated discussions.
News
How I delivered ten pregnant women while in captivity, nurse reveals
A nurse who recently regained her freedom after nearly six months in captivity has narratted the severe conditions endured by the abducted women and children, saying she helped 10 pregnant women give birth without gloves or proper medical equipment.
Amirah Salihu was among the victims abducted during the February 3 attack on Woro and Nuku communities in Kaiama Local Government Area of Kwara State.
Salihu, who is the daughter of the chief of Woro community, disclosed her experience during an interview on Channels Television’s Politics Today.
She said the captives faced acute food shortages and were forced to sleep in exposed locations, including near a river, where they were frequently drenched by rainfall.
According to her, the abductors often gave them little food, with guinea corn, salt and seasoning sometimes serving as their only meal.
The nurse said her professional training became crucial when some of the women went into labour during their captivity.
She explained that she assisted about 10 pregnant women to deliver their babies despite the absence of gloves and other essential medical supplies.
She said, “When the pregnant women started going into labour, I had to assist them. I helped about 10 women deliver their babies, even though I had no gloves or proper equipment.
“It was difficult, but I had to do what I could to help them survive and deliver safely.”
Salihu added that the abductors eventually discovered she was a nurse and attempted to persuade her to remain with them because of her medical knowledge.
She said she rejected the proposal because her priority was to regain her freedom and return to her family.
The rescued victim also recalled the killing of two of her brothers during the attack, alleging that the assailants targeted her family because of her father’s opposition to their activities in the community.
She said her father had previously resisted attempts by the attackers to gain access to Woro and had sought military intervention to protect the residents.
According to her, the attackers struck when the soldiers were no longer present in the community.
She said her father had previously resisted attempts by the attackers to gain access to Woro and had sought military intervention to protect the residents.
According to her, the attackers struck when the soldiers were no longer present in the community.
Salihu further said the abductors justified their actions by claiming they wanted residents to abandon Nigeria’s democratic system and follow their interpretation of religious laws.
However, when asked about sexual violence during the period, she said she was not aware of any rape or sexual assault among the captives.
The victims were part of the 176 women and children abducted during the February 3 attack on Woro and neighbouring Nuku.
They were released on Wednesday after spending almost six months with their abductors. The Kwara State Government later disclosed that 13 children had died in captivity, while 12 others were yet to return.
Kwara State Governor, AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq, received the freed victims in Ilorin and commiserated with families who lost loved ones.
He subsequently visited a hospital where 14 rescued victims were undergoing treatment, including three women who delivered babies while in captivity.
Foreign
STRATEGIC AUTONOMY: NIGERIA’S DOCTRINE FOR SELF-DETERMINATION IN A MULTIPOLAR WORLD
In an era defined by geopolitical competition, trade wars, sanctions regimes, and shifting alliances, one phrase has migrated from European policy papers to the heart of African diplomacy: “Strategic Autonomy”.
For Nigeria, this is not a new experiment in isolation, nor is it a nostalgic return to Cold War non-alignment. As I outlined in a recent address from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Abuja, it is something far more direct and more urgent.
Strategic autonomy is alignment to Nigerian national interest. Once you are clear in what constitutes your national interest, you align with those interests regardless of which party is at the receiving end. That is the foundation. I am aware of scholarly publications that was recently put together by the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs on the subject.
While the Ministry prepares the full concept note charting new fronts in a multi polar world, let me share the preliminary framework guiding Nigeria’s foreign policy under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
Our goal is simple: to ensure that Nigeria, and by extension Africa, is not an object of geopolitics, but a subject that defines its own future.
What Strategic Autonomy means for Nigeria and Africa
Strategic autonomy is often misunderstood as withdrawal. It is the opposite. It is engagement on our terms. Today, Nigerian Foreign Policy has shifted. Gone is the era of reactive alignment. The Tinubu 4Ds agenda is anchored on strategies that are clearly designed to bring succor to Nigerians. The deliberate pursuit of Nigeria’s national interest across economic, security, technological, and diplomatic domains, without being locked into any single bloc. Nigeria’s strategic autonomy rests on 5 pillars in a world of continuous alignment. Together, they form the blueprint for how Nigeria engages a world that is no longer unipolar, but contested, transactional, and opportunity-rich.
NATIONAL INTEREST, NIGERIA FIRST
Alignment to Nigerian national interest is the guiding rule. For Nigeria, Foreign Policy begins at home. Every treaty, partnership, and diplomatic gesture is measured against one question: does it deliver jobs, infrastructure, security, defence and dignity for Nigerians?
This principle was tested in the enforcement of the One China Policy. When diplomatic lines were blurred, the Ministry acted decisively: relocating trade missions from Abuja to Lagos, Nigeria’s commercial hub, and reaffirming that Nigeria speaks with one voice. There is no room for diplomatic blunder in Nigeria. The message is clear: Nigeria will be a partner, not a pawn. Strategic autonomy means clarity of position first, and flexibility in tactics second.
ECONOMIC DIVERSIFICATION
AfCFTA + global partnerships like China’s zero-tariff access. Nigeria is done with aid-for-diplomacy. The new model is trade-for-growth. Under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, Nigeria is leveraging two levers simultaneously:
1. Continental integration through the African Continental Free Trade Area, to build regional value chains.
2. Global partnerships that open markets. China’s zero-tariff policy for eligible Nigerian exports is a case in point, creating new pathways for agriculture, manufacturing, and solid minerals to reach 1.4 billion consumers.
From the Lagos-Calabar coastal transport system to industrial parks in Ogun and Lekki, Chinese, European, and Gulf investments are being steered toward productive sectors. The goal is not dependency, but diversification: more partners, more markets, more Nigerian-made exports.
SECURITY SOVEREIGNTY
African-led, but open to any partner that delivers results. Nigeria’s security doctrine is rooted in the principle that Africans must lead African solutions. ECOWAS, the AU, and regional counter-terrorism frameworks remain central.
But strategic autonomy also means pragmatism. On terrorism, maritime security in the Gulf of Guinea, and cyber threats, Nigeria is open to cooperation with any partner, East or West that brings intelligence, technology, and capacity without conditions that undermine sovereignty. The benchmark is simple: results for Nigerian communities. Partnerships are judged not by ideology, but by impact on the ground.
TECHNOLOGICAL AGENCY
Build, don’t just buy. Lead in AI and digital infrastructure. The 21st century will be won on data, chips, and talent. Nigeria refuses to be only a consumer. This is the essence of Minister Bosun Tijjani’s reforms in our digital ecosystem. Through partnerships in 5G, fiber optics, and smart cities, Nigeria is negotiating technology transfer, not just procurement. Engagement with the World Artificial Intelligence Organization and related partnerships signal intent: to move from adoption to authorship.
The aim is to build domestic capacity in AI, fintech, and digital governance, so that Nigerian developers, not just foreign vendors, shape the platforms used daily by 200 million Nigerians. Technological agency is sovereignty in the digital age.
DIPLOMATIC FLEXIBILITY
Engage all major powers without being locked into one camp. In a multipolar world, alignment is a choice made per issue, not per decade. Nigeria maintains a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership with China on infrastructure and more. It deepens trade and security ties with the US and EU. It expands South-South cooperation with India, Brazil, and the Gulf. It leads on the continent through AfCFTA and AU reform.
This is not non-alignment. It is multi-alignment: engaging all, belonging to none, and extracting maximum value for Nigeria from each relationship. Strategic autonomy is alignment to Nigerian national interests. Nigeria’s 5 Pillars offer more than a foreign policy. They offer a template for mid-sized and emerging powers navigating great power competition. It is a policy of conviction without rigidity. Of partnership without dependence. Of ambition without illusion.
Nigeria will continue to deepen partnerships that deliver infrastructure, jobs, and technology, but always on Nigerian terms. In 2026, the measure of sovereignty is not who you oppose. It is what you are able to build.
We can no longer afford an economy built only on exporting raw materials to one market and importing finished goods from another. The African Continental Free Trade Area gives us the platform to build regional value chains. At the same time, we must diversify globally. This is why we welcome China’s decision to grant zero-tariff treatment to 53 African countries, while we simultaneously deepen trade with the EU, the US, the Gulf, and our neighbors in ECOWAS. No single partner can meet all our development needs, and we will not be dependent on any one.
The primary duty of any government is the protection of its citizens. That principle must guide our security partnerships. African-led solutions through the AU and ECOWAS remain our first choice. But we will not outsource our judgment. We greatly appreciate the US but if any country says he can help me to wipe out terrorism in Nigeria in the next two weeks, will I say because I’m friend to the US I will not agree? No,”. The safety of Nigerians comes first. Strategic autonomy means we evaluate every security offer by one metric: does it deliver peace, security and stability for our people?
In a multipolar world, we must talk to everyone and be forced to choose no one. This is not duplicity. It is maturity. We have demonstrated this in recent weeks. We condemned Afrophobic attacks in South Africa because the dignity of Nigerians abroad is non-negotiable. We pushed the agenda at the recent ECOWAS Summit in Freetown Sierra Leone where President Tinubu’s voice was clear and unambiguous. At the same time, we are preserving and strengthening the Nigeria-South Africa strategic partnership because both countries benefit from trade, investment, and regional leadership. That is strategic autonomy in practice.
The 4D Agenda meets a fragmenting World
The global shifts make this doctrine necessary today. Today, we have multipolarity. The unipolar moment has passed. Power is diffused across Washington, Beijing, Brussels, New Delhi, Riyadh, and other capitals. Under President Tinubu’s 4D Foreign Policy Agenda: Demography, Development, Diaspora and Democracy — Nigeria’s diplomacy is calibrated to one question: what does this mean for Nigerian citizens? Ideological blocs are secondary to results.
Africa has 60% of the world’s youngest population. By 2050, one in four people on earth will be African. Nigeria will be the third most populated country in the world by 2050. We cannot allow our future to be scripted by others. We must define our own development model, centered on jobs, skills, and innovation. In this context, some analysts have described our approach as “pragmatism devoid of doctrine.” I disagree.
“I don’t agree with that kind of characterization. Everything foreign policy is about national interest,”. What we are doing is giving that age-old principle a modern name and structure. We are drawing from our own history. As one of my lecturers at the University used to say, “ non-alignment is alignment to your national interest.” That remains true. Doctrine without delivery is rhetoric. For strategic autonomy to produce tangible benefits, Africa must take deliberate steps.
We must fully implement AfCFTA to unlock a $3.4 trillion single market. That means reducing tariffs, harmonizing standards, and building cross-border infrastructure. We must invest heavily in energy and infrastructure. No factory runs without power. No trade happens without roads, rail, and ports. Strategic autonomy requires industrial power.
Africa must speak with one voice in global forums — at the UN, G20, and WTO. Africa’s 54 countries carry more weight together than separately. It is time to protect and deepen democratic institutions. Autonomy should never be confused with authoritarianism. The legitimacy of our choices comes from the consent of our people.
Let me be clear. Strategic autonomy is not about turning our backs on partners. It is about choosing partners freely. It is the right to trade with anyone, learn from everyone, and be dominated by no one. The world is fragmenting into blocs. Africa’s best option is not to join a bloc, but to become a bloc ourselves — economically integrated, politically coherent, and diplomatically confident.
Written by Ambassador Sola Enikanolaiye,
Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Federal Republic of Nigeria
News
Bode George Still Angry Over His Failed PDP National Chairmanship Bid, No Regret Stopping Him – Wike
The Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister, Nyesom Wike, has said that he had no regret Stopping Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) former Deputy National Chairman, Chief Bode George, from becoming the party National Chairman, saying; “his anger is because we didn’t allow him to be PDP National Chairman and no regret doing so.”
In a statement on Saturday, by his Senior Special Assistant on Public Communications and Social Media, Lere Olayinka, the FCT Minister said the political frustration of Bode George has further been compounded by the emergence of Deji Doherty, a personality he does not want to see as the one in charge of the party in Lagos State.
“He wanted to be PDP National Chairman, and was carrying on like the position was his birthright. We stopped him because it was the turn of the South-South. Since then, he has not stopped being angry.
“As a sitting governor, I visited his house in Maitama, Abuja, to appease him after the national convention, his wife attempted to walk me out, but for the intervention of former governor of Ondo state, Olusegun Mimiko,” the minister said.
He described Bode George as a failed politician, who despite all the privileges and power has not won anything for the PDP in Lagos State since 1999, adding that “We have managed him even though we know that he has no value. But as it is, since he wants to keep dancing naked in the market place of politics, we can’t but allow him.”
The Minister reiterated that leadership of a political party is not by name, title or being a founding father. Rather, it is about what you are able to bring to the table in terms of winning elections, and in this regard, Bode George is a complete disaster.
“Even his Unit 001 in Ward E2, Evans Street, Lagos Island, he has never won for the PDP. In 2019 Presidential election, APC had 84 votes while PDP had 40. In the 2023 elections, he transferred his voter’s card to Eti Osa, PDP had four votes in his polling unit,” Wike said.
Wike said since it appeared that he (Bode George) is not busy, he will continue to make his likes busy by creating reason for them to jump from one television station to the other.
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