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Dangote Refinery: Marketers stayed for days Unable To Load Petrol — IPMAN lanents
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By Kayode Sanni-Arewa
The Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN) says its members can’t load petrol from the Dangote Refinery in Lagos despite having paid ₦40bn to the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL).
IPMAN President Abubakar Garima stated this on Wednesday in a national tv program.
Garima expressed surprise that the owner of the $20bn refinery Aliko Dangote said marketers were boycotting his refinery to buy imported petrol.
The IPMAN boss said his members are not importing petrol, as claimed by Africa’s richest man. He said rather than get Dangote petrol through the NNPCL, the private refinery should register independent petrol marketers directly for smooth loading of the product.
“If he (Dangote) can be able to sell the product to us directly, we can buy the product, because we have to pay before we pick. Presently, we have ₦40bn under the NNPCL custody but we cannot source the product.
“Just of recent, there are some of my marketers that NNPCL sent to load in Dangote refinery and those marketers stayed with their trucks for four days, and they cannot load.”
On Tuesday, billionaire businessman Aliko Dangote held a meeting with President Bola Tinubu in Abuja and told reporters that he has over 500 million litres in tanks at his mammoth refinery but marketers are not patronising his facility.
However, Garima said IPMAN, with over 20,000 members in Nigeria, has ₦40bn upfront payment with the NNPCL and still can’t load the premium product from the private refinery.
Garima said Nigerians would see a reduction in the pump price of petrol if Dangote Refinery let independent marketers lift the product directly like the NNPCL.
‘Check Your Price’
The IPMAN president also urged Dangote to check the price of his commodity if marketers importing petrol are boycotting his product.
“Since he (Dangote) says marketers are not buying his product, he should check his price properly. Is it higher than what they are obtaining outside or is it the same rate? Then if marketers buy this product through him, how long will it take for it to reach their depots? That one too is a factor,” Garima stated.
The IPMAN president said there was nothing wrong if marketers outside his organisation decided to sell imported products but Dangote “should go and review and check how much are they selling outside.”
Nigerians are grappling with the weight of unprecedented food inflation, and energy prices which have quadrupled in the last year under the Tinubu administration. Specifically, the price per litre of petrol jumped from less than ₦200 to over ₦1,000.
Many people have blamed the twin policies of petrol subsidy removal and unification of forex rates for the high living costs that have assailed the middle class, many of whom have abandoned their cars for public transportation.
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UCL: Dixon gives tips to Arteta on who to play in central midfield against PSG
Ex- Arsenal right-back, Lee Dixon, has urged manager, Mikel Arteta to play youngster, Myles Lewis-Skelly in central midfield against Paris Saint-Germain in the Champions League final on Saturday.
Dixon wants Arteta to start Lewis-Skelly ahead of Martin Zubimendi against PSG because the 19-year-old has been brilliant for the Gunners in recent matches.
“I thought Myles was brilliant,” Dixon told The Athletic.
“It’s a big call (who to start in the Champions League final). But I’d probably play Myles.
“I think he’s already shown enough not to be fazed by that.”
It’s yet to be seen if Arteta will start Lewis-Skelly or keep Zubimendi out of the starting lineup once again for Saturday’s final against the defending champions, PSG.
News
Don’t let us die, abducted Oyo principal begs Tinubu, Makinde
The abducted principal of Community Grammar School, Esinele, Mrs Folawe Alamu, has appealed to President Bola Tinubu and Oyo State governor, Seyi Makinde, to adopt dialogue rather than force in efforts to secure her release and other victims still held by abductors.
In a video posted on Instagram on Friday by social media influencer Temilola Sobola, a visibly distressed Alamu said she and other captives, including children, had spent 13 days in the bush under harsh weather conditions.
“We are in the cold, we are under the sun, we are under the rain, the children and the adults as well. Please, we are begging you, don’t let them waste our lives,” she said.
She also appealed to the Nigeria Union of Teachers (NUT) and the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) to intervene, warning that any attempt to use force could endanger the lives of the captives.
“The force they used yesterday has cost us so much. It has added to our problems. In fact, someone among us has been picked, and they are going to kill him because the government tried to rescue us by force.
“We don’t need force. All they have to do is negotiate with them and secure our release. Please, just negotiate with them and dialogue with them,” she added.
The appeal comes nearly two weeks after gunmen attacked three schools — Community High School, Ahoro-Esinele; Baptist Nursery and Primary School, Yawota; and L.A. Primary School, Alawusa — and abducted seven teachers and 39 students on May 15, 2026.
During the attack, a mathematics teacher, Michael Oyedokun, was reportedly killed by the gunmen while in captivity.
A motorcyclist was also killed, while a security operative died after reportedly stepping on an improvised explosive device planted by the abductors during early rescue operations.
Sources said the abductors later opened communication with the state government but refused to speak directly with families of the victims, insisting on negotiating only with the governor.
Oyo State governor Seyi Makinde, while receiving visitors during the Eid-el-Kabir celebration in Ibadan, assured residents that efforts were ongoing to secure the safe return of the abducted victims.
The Inspector-General of Police, Tunji Disu, also said additional detectives had been deployed from Force Headquarters in Abuja to support the rescue operation, while the Defence Headquarters said troops had made contact with the abductors and were working toward securing the release of the victims.
News
The Politics Of Maturity: Why Rivers May Need Healing More Than Victory
Politics in Rivers State has always behaved like the Bonny River during heavy rainfall – restless, unpredictable, and capable of swallowing even the strongest boats if caution is thrown overboard. But after three turbulent years of political hostilities, bruised alliances, and deep ethnic anxieties, many residents now appear exhausted by the sound of war drums.
That fatigue explains why the conversation following the withdrawal of Governor Siminalayi Fubara from the governorship primary election of the All Progressives Congress (APC), and the emergence of Rep. Kingsley Chinda as candidate, has quickly shifted beyond ordinary politics into the emotionally charged territory of identity, equity, and ethnic balancing.
For some ethnic advocates, particularly within sections of the riverine bloc, the argument is simple: Governor Fubara should have completed two full terms before power rotates elsewhere. To them, the issue is not merely politics but fairness and historical inclusion.
Yet, while the sentiments are understandable, Rivers State now stands at a delicate crossroads where anger must not be allowed to mature into division.
The truth is that Rivers has bled too long from political bitterness.
Communities have watched friendships collapse under partisan pressure. Political camps have behaved like rival oil blocs drilling suspicion instead of trust. Every statement is analysed through tribal lenses; every handshake is treated like a conspiracy. Meanwhile, ordinary citizens – traders, fishermen, civil servants, transport workers, students, widows, and struggling families – continue to ask one quiet question:
Who will help Rivers breathe again?
That is why many observers believe the next political movement in Rivers cannot afford to be built on ethnic triumphalism or revenge politics. The state needs a bridge, not another battlefield.
And this is where the candidacy of Kingsley Chinda is beginning to attract unusual attention across political and ethnic lines.
In a state famous for loud political combatants, Chinda has built a reputation around restraint, legislative precision, and methodical engagement. He is not known for theatrical speeches or combustible rhetoric. Even within the National Assembly, colleagues often describe him as a lawmaker more interested in delivery than performance.
That quiet style may now become politically valuable in a state desperately searching for emotional de-escalation.
The challenge before Rivers is no longer merely about “whose turn” it is. The larger question is whether the state can recover enough stability to resume development.
Roads do not respond to tribal slogans. Investors do not inject capital into political minefields. Youth employment cannot grow in an atmosphere poisoned by endless hostility. Peace remains the first infrastructure every serious society must build before prosperity can stand.
This is why the emerging political language around Chinda appears carefully calibrated toward reconciliation rather than conquest.
“One Rivers, One Future.”
Simple words. But in a tense political climate, they carry strategic meaning.
The phrase subtly redirects public conversation away from ethnic camps toward shared destiny. It neither insults zoning advocates nor dismisses concerns about equity. Instead, it proposes a broader political argument: that competence, peace, inclusion, and stability must also matter in moments of crisis.
That distinction is important.
Because Rivers State is not a collection of isolated tribes occupying oil fields. It is a complicated political family tied together by commerce, history, intermarriage, waterways, and collective survival.
The riverine fisherman and the upland farmer ultimately depend on the same peace.
Chinda’s political movement is built around listening to every voice, pursuing sincere and genuine reconciliation, and engaging in wide-ranging consultations with traditional rulers, youth groups, clergy, women’s organisations, ex-militant stakeholders, market associations, and professionals across ethnic lines – all in the collective interest of Rivers State.
The message appears intentional and measured:
“I have come to listen, not impose.”
In today’s Rivers, that may prove to be wiser politics than chest-thumping bravado.
Observers also note that Chinda’s political appeal extends beyond his legislative record into years of grassroots interventions through his “I Win, U Win” initiative in Obio/Akpor Federal Constituency. Over the years, the programme has sponsored skills acquisition, healthcare support, ICT training, scholarships, women empowerment schemes, teacher training, welding, shoemaking, agro-allied programmes, and educational assistance for both indigenes and non-indigenes.
Supporters argue that such programmes reveal a politician who sees governance less as patronage and more as social investment.
Critics may disagree politically – and democracy permits that – but even opponents rarely accuse Chinda of ethnic extremism or inflammatory politics.
That moderation could become critical.
Because the greatest danger before Rivers today is not political competition itself. Democracy thrives on competition. The real danger is allowing political disagreements to harden into ethnic suspicion so deep that future generations inherit resentment instead of progress.
Rivers people have seen enough political fires to understand one painful truth: no tribe wins when the entire state burns.
The coming election, therefore, may offer something larger than a contest for power. It may become a referendum on whether Rivers chooses escalation or healing.
And perhaps that is why a growing number of citizens now insist that the debate must gradually move from:
“Whose turn is it?”
to:
“Who can unite and stabilise Rivers State?”
In the end, the state may discover that peace itself is the real zoning formula everyone has been searching for.
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