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Did Yagba Federal Constituency Rotation Arrangement End in 2011?

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By Debo Alabi

Yagba Federal Constituency in the western Kogi senatorial zone, consists of three local councils, namely Mopamuro, Yagba East and Yagba West. In 1999, at the outset of the Fourth Republic political dispensation in Nigeria, each of the three local government areas fielded aspirants for the seat. The Peoples Democratic Party, (PDP), the dominant political association at the time, guaranteed success for its flagbearers. In the run-up to the 1999 polls, all eyes were on the PDP primaries. Shola Ojo, (Mopamuro); Tolorunjuwon Joseph Faniyi (Yagba East), Engr Sunday Karimi and Mrs Margret Orebiyi, (Yagba West) were the frontrunning aspirants. Orebiyi would later step down for Karimi. Despite the superior strength of Yagba West, which consists of 14 electoral wards, four more than Mopamuro and Yagba East with 10 electoral wards apiece, the PDP ticket was eventually decided in favour of Ojo (Mopamuro).

Ojo’s emegence was more of a consensus in an arrangement superintended by party elders under the leadership of the respected patriarch and one of the founding fathers of PDP in Nigeria, the late Chief Sunday Awoniyi. Aspirants from the two other local government areas were prevailed upon by the elders to await their turns in subsequent electoral cycles. Meanwhile, Yagba West fielded a candidate for the 1999 election in the late legal icon, Chief Tunji Arosanyin who was the flagbearer of the defunct All Peoples Party (APP). Ojo, also an attorney, hitherto domiciled in Kano, the formidable hub of commerce in northern Nigeria, went on to win the general election of that year.

Ojo served in the “Green Chamber” from 1999 to 2003. At that time, PDP’s internal, mutual understanding based on the rotation principle expressly asserted that each LGA would serve just one term, after which the position would rotate to another. Contestants for the 2003 PDP ticket included Karimi, Faniyi, Mrs Funmi Abiodun, a lawyer; the Port Harcourt based quantity surveyor and expert in the Marine sector, Bode Olorunsola and J.K Odeyemi, an engineer. The primary election was headed for a runoff between Faniyi and Karimi, but, again, the elders in their wisdom settled for a simple majority. Faniyi picked PDP ticket and he went on to defeat his opponent in the reconfigured APP, which had then become the All Nigeria People’s Party, (ANPP), Mrs Justina Abanida. Abanida, a one time Commissioner for Justice and Attorney General. Abanida, a lawyer, hails from Egbe, Yagba West Council.

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For Karimi, the waiting game continued even when the seat berthed in Yagba West. Karimi lost PDP’s ticket to a fellow Yagba West opponent, Samuel Bamidele Aro.. Aro, a successful oil marketer, won the 2007 election into the House of Representatives, which took place on April 21, 2007. He defeated Bolaji Oluwafemi of the defunct Action Congress (AC) and served in the lower parliament until 2011.

The extant rotational arrangement forbade Mopamuro and Yagba East from fielding candidates for the 2007 election. In fairness to the past occupants of the seat, performance was not a yardstick for continuity. Based on the extant zoning template of the PDP, the baton was expected to be passed back to Mopamuro in 2011. However, at the conclusion of his first term in 2011, Aro, the incumbent declared his intention for a second term. Backed by the Kogi State governor at the time, Ibrahim Idris and machinery of the ruling party at the state level, Aro defeated his lone challenger for the PDP ticket, Chief Folorunsho Daniyan, (from Mopamuro). However, the outcome of 2011 primary election that threw up Aro did not sit well with the factional PDP who beckoned on Karimi to step forward in another political party.

Karimi’s name was a last-minute inclusion in the portal of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) as the candidate of Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN). In what turned out a historic protest vote, Karimi defeated PDP’s Aro in the general election held on April 9th, 2011. The strength of the PDP had been further decimated in the aftermath of the controversies that trailed its primaries. Daniyan left PDP and flew the flag of the ANPP. He came third in the general election. For the first time, in 2011, Mopamuro, Yagba West and Yagba East all fielded candidates for the House of Representatives.

The 2011 episode effectively marked the fatal end to one term and rotation of the seat in Yagba Federal Constituency.

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Highlights

Karimi got the mandate of Yagba people to represent them in 2011 when he did not aspire for it from the start to the race and when it was supposed to be the turn of Mopamuro. He was not even on the list of aspirants jostling for the much-sought ticket of the PDP in that year’s primaries. He also became the first Yagba man to be reelected, thereby setting the precedence for continuity.

As the sitting Rep, Karimi (Yagba West) returned to his old party (PDP) and sought re-election in 2015. He picked the PDP ticket ahead of Kano based business tycoon, Leke Abejide (Yagba East) and successful civil engineer, Dele Obiniyi (Yagba East).

Karimi went on to win the parliamentary election held on March 28, 2015. He defeated Ganiyu Salaudeen of the Accord Party (AP/Yagba East), Kayode Adegbayo (APC/Yagba East), and Joseph Blessing of the Labour Party (LP/Mopamuro). Note again that all three LGAs fielded candidates in 2015.

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Subsequently, Karimi’s record was equalled by Leke Abejide (Yagba East), now on his second term. His back-to-back victory in the 2019 and 2023 elections were achieved under the platform of lesser known African Democratic Congress (ADC).

Instructively, to further butress the point that rotation may have become a thing of the past, Abejide’s victories in both elections were far from a walkover, not for him, not for Yagba East. With the exception of Yagba West, the 2019 edition was keenly contested by aspirants from Mopamuro and Yagba East. A total of 15 candidates registered with the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to contest in the 2019 election. ADC candidate, Abejide won the election, defeating APC’s Henry Abimbola (Mopamuro), PDP’s Fabola James (Yagba East), SDP’s Oluwafemi Iselaiye (Yagba East) and 12 other candidates from Mopamuro and Yagba East. The list of candidates and their parties for the 2019 polls are as follows: Adebayo Kenneth (PPC); Oluropo Odofin Augustine (MPN); Jonathan Ayokunle Olushola (ACCORD): Balogun Blessing Olumayowa (APM); Somidire Comfort (ACPN); Atteh Oladimeji (PPN); Yusuf Mary Oluwatoyin (DA); Isah Saidu (LP); Omowaiye Ete A. (UPP); Omole David Bolorundoro (UPC) and Abdurafiu Ismail (PT).

The all-commers scenario was again replayed in 2023 when Abejide (ADC/Yagba East) ran against Folorunsho Olafemi (APC/Mopamuro), Joseph Faniyi (PDP/Yagba East).and Jeremiah Oladokun (APGA/Yagba East). The list incuded Alonge Victor Oluwabusayo (Accord), Adekunle Komolafe (NNPP), Bamigboye Sunday (ADP), Musa Lasisi (Action Alliance), Jethro Olusegun Solomon (SDP) and Obiniyi Bamidele (YPP).

Rotation Can Only Be By Negotiation, Not Entitlement Claim

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Ahead of the 2027 election, a notable Yagba political figure who preferred anonymity due to the sensitive nature of the debate on the continuity of rotation representation told our reporter that based on the foregoing, if at all there would be further adherence to rotation, “it can only be by negotiation, not by entitlement claim”.

He said: “The rotational arrangement for the HOR election in Yagbaland has been a straightforward and adaptable practice since inception. This arrangement was designed to give each local government in the federal constituency a fair opportunity. The Yagba federal constituency comprises three local government areas: Yagba West, Yagba East, and Mopamuro. Historically, Mopamuro was the first local government to benefit from this arrangement in 1999 with Hon. Sola Ojo, followed by Yagba East with Hon. T.J. Faniyi in 2003. In 2007, Hon. Sam Aro benefited from the rotation, and in 2011, it was Yagba West’s turn again with Hon. Sunday Karimi, who served two terms. This two-term pattern continued with Hon. Leke Abejide from Yagba East in 2019, who is currently serving his second term. Ideally, after Hon. Leke Abejide’s second term, Mopamuro local government should be the next to benefit from the rotation and to spend their two terms. However, Mopamuro’s inconsistent adherence to the rotation has been a significant constraint.

In the last two elections, Mopamuro fielded candidates against Hon. Leke Abejide, which was unfortunate as their action demonstrated their disregard for the rotation. Mr Tuesday Abimbola and Engr Folorunsho Olafemi contested twice with Leke Abejide. If they had won, it would have also conflicted the entire process. As an experienced political figure in Yagba federal constituency, I cautioned Mopamuro aspirants to respect the rotation and not contest against Yagba East candidates. Unfortunately, my warnings were ignored, and Mopamuro’s actions have put them at a disadvantage. If Mopamuro had respected the rotation and not contested against Yagba East in the last two elections, it would have been incumbent on Yagba East not to run against them. However, since Mopamuro did contest, Yagba East’s potential third term would alter the rotation cycle, making Yagba West eligible to contest after Yagba East.

It will take a proper consultation and a United front from Mopamuro to sustain their alliance with the rotation which they had kicked against”.

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As it were, from the viewpoints of public affairs analysts and political pundits, Mopamuro has held the seat one-term of four years since 1999, Yagba West had 3 terms of 12 years and Yagba East two terms of eight years. From the foregoing, Mopamuro’s agitation to have the 2027 HOR seat is not out of order. The point has also been made for the entrenchment of fairness and equity as well as the sustenance of unity within the region. One can not also rule out the fact that, with the exception of 2003 election, Mopamuro has consistently fielded candidates against candidates from Yagba West and Yagba East.

Twice in 2019 and 2023, the ruling APC conceded its tickets to Mopamuro. Both chances were lost more to internal divisions within the local government. Power is not given; it is taken. The bottomline is that 2027 election doesn’t look like one to be determined by entitlement. Rotation is achievable only by negotiation. Rotation is not a law. Mopamuro must work hard for it, speak with one voice, and present a formidable candidate, as a prerequisite for negotiation.

Effective Representation As a Factor

While the idea of rotation may seem appealing, the performance of the sitting member and the capacity to drive meaningful development and growth are key factors in effective representation, which should not be overlooked going into the 2027 election. Rotation may seem like a fair and equitable approach, but the electorate is also aware it can lead to a lack of continuity and consistency in representation. This also can result in a lack of accountability, as representatives may not feel compelled to deliver on their promises. Furthermore, rotation can lead to a focus on short-term gains rather than long-term development. Again, anyone thinking of running against an incumbent must make a careful examination of whether it can be done.

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In the modern-day election pattern in Nigeria, incumbents win elections about 85 percent. An entrenched incumbent is even harder to beat than a more recently elected one. Here are some factors to consider before going into the decision of whether a challenge could be successful. The first step is to consider the overall political environment and the general mood of the electorate. Generally, there are two things that should worry incumbents.

One is whether the electorate perceives that things are on the right track. The other is whether the electorate thinks the incumbent care about them. For any sitting representative who receives favourable ratings from his people—based on these two factors—it will require an out-of
-this-world strategy for any successful challenge to happen.

● Debo Alabi, a public affairs analyst and native of Yagba, writes from Lekki, Lagos

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SERAP presses FG over $460m CCTV project beneficiaries

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The Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project has urged the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Mr Taiwo Oyedele, to immediately disclose the identities of all local contractors, subcontractors, consultants and vendors that benefited from payments made under the controversial $460m Abuja CCTV Project.

SERAP’s demand followed recent disclosures by the Federal Ministry of Finance in response to contempt proceedings initiated by the organisation over alleged non-compliance with a Federal High Court judgment delivered in May 2023.

In a letter dated May 15, 2026 and signed by the Permanent Secretary of the Federal Ministry of Finance, R.O. Omachi, the ministry stated that records from the Ministry of Police Affairs showed that “while local subcontractors may have been engaged, there is an absence of detailed subcontracting records identifying specific local companies that received funds directly from the Chinese loan.”

Reacting in a letter dated May 23, 2026, and signed by its Deputy Director, Kolawole Oluwadare, SERAP expressed concern over what it described as delayed and partial compliance with the court order.

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“We are concerned that although the judgment was delivered in May 2023, the Ministry only released some information after we commenced contempt proceedings and served a Notice to Show Cause in January 2026,” SERAP said.

According to the organisation, “Nigerians still do not know the exact names of local contractors for the project.

“The absence of this information raises serious concerns about record-keeping, transparency and accountability, and whether the project was implemented in a manner consistent with the public interest.”

SERAP recalled that Justice Emeka Nwite of the Federal High Court, Abuja, had on May 15, 2023 ordered the Ministry of Finance to disclose the total amount paid under the $460m Abuja CCTV loan, the identities of local and Chinese contractors who received the funds, the implementation status of the project, and details relating to the N1.5bn reportedly paid for the Code of Conduct Bureau headquarters project.

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The organisation stated that the information released so far amounted to only partial compliance with the judgment.

“The details provided amount to only partial compliance with Justice Emeka Nwite’s judgment. Key questions remain unanswered, and further clarification is needed to ensure full and effective compliance with the judgment,” SERAP stated.

It warned that failure to provide the outstanding details within 48 hours would lead to the continuation of contempt proceedings against the ministry.

“We would be grateful if the requested details are provided within 48 hours of the receipt and/or publication of this letter. If we have not heard from you by then, SERAP shall proceed with our contempt proceedings against the Federal Ministry of Finance for failure to fully and effectively comply with the judgment of the Federal High Court,” the letter added.

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SERAP acknowledged that the ministry had provided some information regarding the Chinese loan drawdown, counterpart funding arrangements and records relating to equipment deliveries connected with the project.

However, the organisation said critical issues remained unresolved, particularly concerning 6,035 items reportedly not delivered under the project.

“There is still no explanation regarding the missing 6,035 items as part of the status of implementation of the project. It remains unclear whether the items were subsequently delivered, whether payment was made for them, whether the contractor defaulted, whether Nigeria suffered any financial loss, and whether any steps were taken to recover public funds,” SERAP said.

The organisation also questioned the operational status of the CCTV infrastructure.

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“The ministry lists items reportedly delivered in 2013.

However, it has failed to clarify how many cameras were installed, if any; where they were installed; whether the cameras are currently operational; and whether the project delivered value for money,” it said.

SERAP stressed that the project, which was financed through public borrowing, required full transparency.

“For a project financed through public borrowing, debt Nigerians continue to repay, full transparency over all beneficiaries, foreign and domestic, is essential. Nigerians have the right to know how public funds were spent, who received them, and what was delivered in return,” the organisation stated.

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The group further noted that compliance with court judgments was fundamental to the rule of law and democratic accountability.

“Government agencies cannot selectively comply with judicial orders or release partial information while withholding records central to public accountability,” SERAP said.

The organisation linked the demand for accountability to the prevailing insecurity across the country, particularly in Abuja.

“The urgency of full disclosure is heightened by the continuing security crisis across Nigeria, including persistent insecurity in Abuja, where the project was specifically intended to strengthen surveillance, public safety, and emergency response,” it stated.

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According to SERAP, Nigerians deserve to know whether the massive investment in the CCTV project translated into improved security outcomes.

“Residents of the Federal Capital Territory and several states, including Benue and Oyo, continue to face abductions, violent crime and other serious threats to safety, while communities across the country grapple with widespread insecurity and loss of lives.”

“Against this backdrop, Nigerians are entitled to know whether the Abuja CCTV project was fully delivered, whether it became operational, whether the infrastructure is functional, and whether the huge public investment achieved the promised security outcomes,” the organisation said.

SERAP also disclosed details contained in the ministry’s response, including that the Federal Government received $399.5m from the Export-Import Bank of China for the National Public Security Communication System project, popularly known as the Abuja CCTV Project.

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The ministry reportedly stated that the funds were drawn in 10 instalments between March 2011 and December 2013, while the Federal Government contributed an additional $70.5m as counterpart funding, representing 15 per cent of the total project cost of $470m.

According to SERAP, the ministry further disclosed that the naira equivalent of the counterpart funding was N10.68bn at an exchange rate of N150 to one dollar, including a one per cent Central Bank of Nigeria commission.

The organisation also noted that the principal contractor for the project was identified as ZTE Corporation of China, with payments made through the Bank of China, Shenzhen Branch.

“According to the ministry, several equipment items, including GOTA phones, data cards, PC servers, LED monitors, cables and related communications infrastructure were delivered. Inventory records show 61,970 units delivered out of 68,005 expected, leaving 6,035 units outstanding,” SERAP stated.

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The ministry also reportedly clarified that the N1.5bn mobilisation payment for the Code of Conduct Bureau headquarters project was not part of the Chinese loan arrangement.

SERAP urged the Federal Government to fully implement the court judgment by publishing the names of all Nigerian companies, subcontractors, consultants and vendors involved in the project, disclosing the amount paid to each entity and the nature of work performed, and releasing certificates of completion alongside a detailed account of the undelivered project items.

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Coup trial: Detained officers’ wives warn against convictions without evidence

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Wives of detained military officers facing alleged coup-related charges have appealed to President Bola Tinubu to ensure fairness and transparency in the ongoing military trial, warning against the conviction of suspects without credible evidence.

The plea was contained in a letter addressed to the President on Friday and titled, “A Humble Appeal for Fairness, Transparency, and Justice in the Ongoing Military Trial.”

The correspondence from spouses of the detained officers was exclusively obtained by The PUNCH.

The signatories are Shafa’atu Ali Agbo, Fatima Dauda, Josephine Enemona, Nana Aisha, Zara Abba, Helen Sunday, Khadija Aminu, Aisha Abubakar, Aisha Yusuf, Hauwa’u Aliyu, Firdausi Ibrahim and Zuzu Igbaseimokumo.

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In the letter, the women acknowledged Tinubu’s approval for the commencement of the military trial, describing it as “an important step toward accountability, clarity, and the pursuit of justice.”

They, however, expressed fears that the process could be tainted by bias, coercion and institutional prejudice.

“As citizens, we understand the importance of discipline within the armed forces and the sensitive responsibility placed upon the military in safeguarding national security.

“We also recognise that allegations relating to mutiny, coup plotting, or acts capable of undermining military authority are grave matters that must never be treated lightly.

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“However, it is precisely because of the seriousness of these allegations that the process through which justice is pursued must itself remain just, transparent, impartial, and free from every appearance of prejudice,” the letter read.

The wives recalled past controversial military trials in Nigeria, saying some later became subjects of “national reflection and regret.”

It added, “From past allegations of ‘phantom coups’ to disputed dismissals and prolonged detentions of officers, many Nigerians have witnessed instances where prosecution appeared, in the eyes of the public, to drift dangerously toward persecution.”

The women also raised concerns over the prolonged detention of the accused officers and allegations of inhumane treatment.

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According to them, reports suggesting that confessional statements may have been obtained under coercion had further heightened public anxiety over the integrity of the proceedings.

“The prolonged detention of the accused officers, the reports of inhumane treatment, and concerns that the case relies heavily on statements allegedly obtained under coercion and severe pressure have raised serious questions in the minds of many Nigerians,” the letter added.

They argued that justice must not only be done but must also be seen to be done, stressing that the credibility of the trial would depend on the fairness of the process and the independence of the tribunal.

“No individual should be condemned without credible and independently verifiable evidence.

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“No confession extracted through fear, torture, or inhumane treatment should become the foundation upon which lives, careers, and families are destroyed. Justice loses its moral authority the moment it appears predetermined,” they wrote.

The wives urged Tinubu, as Commander-in-Chief, to ensure that the proceedings do not become “another painful chapter” in Nigeria’s history.

“We pray that under your leadership, Nigeria will continue to move toward a future where no citizen fears persecution disguised as prosecution, and where the law remains stronger than suspicion, fear, or institutional pressure,” the letter concluded.

The arrest of the indicted officers was first announced on October 4, 2025, by the then Director of Defence Information, Brig Gen Tukur Gusau, who disclosed that 16 officers were taken into custody for alleged breaches of military regulations and acts of indiscipline.

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However, an interim investigation later suggested the existence of a clandestine network of officers allegedly coordinated by a senior Army officer, which had begun preliminary planning for a coup.

According to the report, the alleged plot involved surveillance of key national assets, including the Presidential Villa, Armed Forces Complex, Niger Barracks in Abuja and major international airports, with October 25, 2025, scheduled as the planned date for the operation.

Those reportedly in custody include Brig Gen M. A. Sadiq, Col M. A. Ma’aji, Lt Col S. Bappah, Lt Col A. A. Hayatu, Lt Col P. Dangnap, Lt Col M. Almakura, Maj A. J. Ibrahim, Maj M. M. Jiddah, Maj M. A. Usman, Maj D. Yusuf, Capt I. Bello, Capt A. A. Yusuf, Lt S. S. Felix, Lt Cdr D. B. Abdullahi, Sqn Ldr S. B. Adamu and Maj I. Dauda.

The alleged plot, according to findings, targeted senior government officials, including President Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima.

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The appeal comes barely two weeks after a Federal High Court in Abuja admitted as exhibits the extra-judicial statements of six persons standing trial over an alleged plot to overthrow the Tinubu government, as the court commenced a trial-within-trial to determine whether the statements were voluntarily made.

Justice Joyce Abdulmalik admitted the statements and video recordings during proceedings aimed at resolving objections raised by the defendants over the admissibility of the evidence.

The defendants had earlier challenged the statements, alleging that they were obtained through coercion, torture, inducement and in violation of provisions of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act and the Anti-Torture Act.

The Federal Government is prosecuting retired Maj-Gen Mohammed Ibrahim Gana; retired Navy Capt Erasmus Ochegobia Victor; police inspector Ahmed Ibrahim; Presidential Villa electrician Umoru Zekeri; Bukar Kashim Goni; and a Zaria-based Islamic cleric, Sheikh Abdulkadir Sani, on charges bordering on treason, terrorism and conspiracy to stage a coup.

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At the previous proceedings, the court played a video recording in which Sani allegedly told investigators that he warned the suspected plotters that the coup plan “would fail” and that members of the group would eventually betray themselves.

Following objections by defence lawyers to the admissibility of the defendants’ statements, Justice Abdulmalik ordered a joint trial-within-trial to determine whether the statements were voluntarily made.

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Nigeria-Vietnam Relations Growing in Trade and Investment — Amb. Bako

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Nigeria’s pioneer Head of Mission to the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, Ambassador Sani Bako, has stated that diplomatic relations between the two post-colonial states, which began as political solidarity 50 years ago, have evolved into a partnership delivering results in trade, investment, and cultural exchange.

The partnership deepened with the establishment of resident missions. Nigeria opened its Embassy in Hanoi, the administrative capital, in 2007, and Vietnam reciprocated by opening an Embassy in Abuja in the same year.

Reflecting on the 50th anniversary of Nigeria-Vietnam relations, which took effect on 25th May 1976, Ambassador Bako noted that the volume of trade between the two countries stood at $1 billion as of 2024.

“Vietnam currently exports electronics, garments, textiles, and other consumer goods to Nigeria, while importing crude oil, cashew nuts, and several raw materials,” he said. “Interestingly, the trade balance favours Nigeria.”

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He stressed that the time has come for economic ties between both countries to evolve into a partnership that would lead to technology transfer, manufacturing, and agricultural investment. He added that Vietnam has expertise in modern agriculture that Nigeria could leverage.

Ambassador Bako, who is the Chairman of the Nigeria-Vietnam Trade and Cultural Association (NVETCA), added that the association is facilitating private sector engagement to deliver visible partnerships in farming, manufacturing, and other ventures that will strengthen economic ties in the near future.

He recalled that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, in a recent meeting with Vietnamese Ambassador Bui Quoc Hung, emphasized that Nigeria is open for business with Vietnam. “Vietnam is a partner we want to grow with,” the President stressed.

Ambassador Bako also noted that Ambassador Hung has called on Nigeria to address lingering visa obstacles affecting officials and business travelers. He pointed out that a 2019 visa waiver agreement reached by both countries has not been fully implemented, adding that resolving this would be critical to sustaining momentum in bilateral relations.

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